The “12 Days of OpenAI” has given us several new updates to ChatGPT , but today’s announcement felt like an entirely different gift completely. Today, OpenAI introduced a new feature allowing users to access ChatGPT via phone calls and text messages. By dialing 1-800-CHATGPT (1-800-242-8478), U.S. users can engage in voice conversations with the AI, receiving up to 15 minutes of free access per month. Additionally, global users can interact with ChatGPT through WhatsApp . The team demonstrated that 1-800-CHATGPT works on any phone and even brought out an old school rotary phone to convince us. But if you're wondering why you might need to call ChatGPT, like I was, the team gave a demo explaining the purpose. Perhaps you’re driving by a landmark you don’t recognize or need to translate from Spanish to English and don’t have an interpreter with you. Now, you can pick up your phone and call the chatbot for answers. But even more than that, the introduction of phone-based access to ChatGPT signifies a shift towards more user-friendly AI interactions, catering to individuals who may prefer traditional communication methods over web-based platforms. From grandparents to users with disabilities, OpenAI is ensuring that everyone has access to OpenAI. This move is expected to enhance user engagement and broaden the demographic reach of AI technology. By offering multiple avenues for interaction, including phone calls, text messages, and integrations with existing platforms, OpenAI is positioning ChatGPT as a versatile tool for everyday use. For instance, Apple has incorporated ChatGPT into its devices with the latest iOS update, enabling Siri to utilize the chatbot’s capabilities for user queries on photos, documents, and creating written content. Looking ahead This development is part of OpenAI's goal of making AI more approachable by integrating it into familiar communication channels. The phone service utilizes OpenAI's Realtime API, while the WhatsApp functionality employs GPT-4o mini through the WhatsApp API. The members of the OpenAI team stated that calls to 1-800-CHATGPT will not be used to train large language models, addressing potential privacy concerns. As AI continues to expand and evolve, initiatives like these from OpenAI are crucial in bridging the gap between advanced technology and everyday users, ensuring that the benefits of AI are widely accessible and easily integrated into daily life. There are just two more days left of the ’12 Days of OpenAI’ so it will be exciting to see what else the team has in store for us. More from Tom's GuideNotable quotes by Jimmy CarterPublished 5:40 pm Friday, November 22, 2024 By Data Skrive The Portland Trail Blazers (6-9) are keeping their eye on five players on the injury report, including Jerami Grant, ahead of their Saturday, November 23 game against the Houston Rockets (11-5) at Toyota Center. The Rockets have listed zero injured players. The game begins at 8:00 PM ET. Watch the NBA, other live sports and more on Fubo. What is Fubo? Fubo is a streaming service that gives you access to your favorite live sports and shows on demand. Use our link to sign up for a free trial. Get the latest news sent to your inbox In their last matchup on Wednesday, the Rockets secured a 130-113 victory over the Pacers. Alperen Sengun scored a team-high 31 points for the Rockets in the win. The Trail Blazers’ last game was a 109-99 loss to the Thunder on Wednesday. Shaedon Sharpe scored 21 points in the Trail Blazers’ loss, leading the team. Sign up for NBA League Pass to get live and on-demand access to NBA games. Get tickets for any NBA game this season at StubHub. Catch NBA action all season long on Fubo. Not all offers available in all states, please visit BetMGM for the latest promotions for your area. Must be 21+ to gamble, please wager responsibly. If you or someone you know has a gambling problem, contact 1-800-GAMBLER .
Four Companies Sign Gas Supply Agreements For Hashemiyah CNG HubPPP MPs take govt to task on slow internet speed
NoneSailGP Season 5: AI cameras to get viewers closer to the action Getting viewers closer to the action is a priority of all production teams, and the SailGP team plans to do this during its 2025 season via AI-enabled, gyro-stabilised cameras placed on the water. Four of the PTZ cameras will be mounted onto the racing marks – the buoys on the water that establish the course. Traditionally, sailing marks have been held in place by anchors, which can create a headache for the race management team if it wants to quickly move the course according to the wind. SailGP uses autonomous racing marks, and for the 2025 season it has built its own that will be able to better cope with the demands of strong winds and tides and remain in place when required with the ability to move according to the race management team’s requirements. SailGP director of LiveLine Tom Peel explains: “We’ve been we’re developing our own marks that will move around the race course and follow waypoints. We can basically drive them to the new positions depending on the wind angles, so they can change the course quite easily. “They have electric motors and GPS systems on board to hold themselves in place. But the other great thing about that is that we’re also going to add autonomously driven cameras to the marks.” Adds SailGP executive producer Chris Carpenter: “The boats will be flying past and around them at close proximity. We tested one of these out at the last event of Season 4 in San Francisco and we loved the results.” The plan is to introduce four cameras: one on the start line, one that sits on the first mark, one on the bottom gate and one on the finish line. “The boats go past these marks really, really closely. So, just like you’d have a camera in the pit wall on a Formula E or a Formula One track, this will give a similar effect with one difference that we can actually pan.” Although initially remotely operated, the cameras will eventually be AI-enabled. “To start with they will be remotely operated, just like the cameras are on the yachts,” says Carpenter. “But over time, because we know where the cameras are exactly, we know where all the yachts are, and there are billions of points of data we can use to understand the action, such as ‘this boat’s just gone from 15 knots down to two knots, so it’s probably had an incident’. Over time, the cameras will learn where the story is and what to focus on. “These cameras could be the future of sailing production,” explains Carpenter.
NEW YORK and AMSTERDAM , Dec. 13, 2024 /PRNewswire/ -- S&P Dow Jones Indices ("S&P DJI"), the world's leading index provider, today announced the results of the annual Dow Jones Sustainability Indices (DJSI) rebalancing and reconstitution. The DJSI are float-adjusted market capitalization weighted indices that measure the performance of companies selected using environmental, social and governance (ESG) criteria. The DJSI, including the Dow Jones Sustainability World Index (DJSI World), were launched in 1999 as the pioneering series of global sustainability benchmarks available in the market. The index family is comprised of global, regional and country benchmarks. Javascript is required for you to be able to read premium content. Please enable it in your browser settings.VANCOUVER, British Columbia, Dec. 13, 2024 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) -- FIREWEED METALS CORP. (“Fireweed” or the “Company”) (TSXV: FWZ; OTCQX: FWEDF) is pleased to announce it has been awarded US$15.8 M (~C$22.5 M) from the U.S. Department of Defense and up to C$12.9 M from the Government of Canada in support of its critical minerals projects at Macmillan Pass, Yukon Territory. Highlights Fireweed has been awarded US$15.8M (~C$22.5 M) from the U.S. Department of Defense under Title III of the Defense Production Act of 1950 (“DPA Title III”) to advance its 100%-owned Mactung tungsten project toward a final investment decision. Fireweed will also receive up to C$12.9 M from the Government of Canada, pending final due diligence, through the Critical Minerals Infrastructure Fund (“CMIF”) to lead planning for road and power infrastructure supporting Fireweed’s critical mineral assets at Macmillan Pass, Yukon Territory. With this funding, Fireweed’s team will advance its Mactung tungsten project to a final investment decision, while concurrently leading the planning for improvements to regional infrastructure (road and power) that serve the entire critical mineral district at Macmillan Pass. CEO Statement Peter Hemstead, President and CEO, commented: “The coordinated investments by the United States and Canadian governments underscore the critical importance and strategic value of Fireweed’s mineral assets at Macmillan Pass. This joint announcement is a testament to the determination of both governments to unlock this new critical minerals district in Canada. In the coming months and years, our team will work to ensure our projects and the enabling infrastructure move forward in a way that respects rights-holders, provides benefits to communities in the region, and demonstrates how critical minerals can be developed responsibly.” Adam Lundin Statement Adam Lundin, Fireweed’s Strategic Advisor, stated: “The emerging critical minerals district at Macmillan Pass is a profound opportunity to address key supply chain vulnerabilities of the North American industrial base. These investments are significant milestones on the path to advancing both Macpass and Mactung projects toward development.” Statement from the Honorable Jonathan Wilkinson, Canada’s Minister of Energy and Natural Resources The Honorable Jonathan Wilkinson, Canada’s Minister of Energy and Natural Resources, stated: “Canada is positioning itself as a global supplier of responsibly sourced critical minerals, which are increasingly in demand for the clean and digital economy as well as for defence applications. The Fireweed project will develop the necessary energy infrastructure to power multiple critical minerals mines and communities with clean energy. These investments by Canada and the United States build on our long history of friendship and collaboration, complement the region’s deep expertise in mining, create good jobs in the Yukon and advance economic growth, now and into the future.” A Critical Minerals District at Macmillan Pass Macmillan Pass is an emerging critical minerals district (the “Macpass District”), with two immediately-adjacent, best-in-class critical mineral projects being advanced by Fireweed. The Macpass Project (“Macpass”) is a district-scale collection of high-grade zinc deposits, forming one of the largest undeveloped zinc resources globally, while also containing the world's largest known accumulation of germanium and gallium 1,2 . The Mactung Project (“Mactung”) is the world’s largest, high-grade tungsten deposit 1 ,3 , with sufficient mineral resources to potentially supply North America’s expected tungsten demand for decades. Macmillan Pass and the North Canol Road (the district’s primary overland access) are located within Kaska Nation Traditional Territory and the Traditional Territory of the First Nation of Na-Cho Nyӓk Dun. The Mactung access road passes through the Sahtú Settlement Area (Tulı́tʼa District in the Northwest Territories), which include both First Nations and Métis communities. US Government Funding to Advance the Mactung Tungsten Project Fireweed has been awarded US$15.8 M (~C$22.5 M) by the U.S. Department of Defense under DPA Title III to advance its 100%-owned Mactung tungsten project toward a final investment decision. The objective of the DPA Title III funding is to progress Mactung to a final investment decision, a precursor to project construction and subsequent production of domestic tungsten concentrates for the North American industrial base. The award will support an expansive, Fireweed team-led program that includes mine design optimization, geotechnical investigations, and metallurgical test programs, culminating in the development of a new feasibility study. A range of environmental studies will be undertaken, supporting the pursuit of licenses and permits necessary to construct Mactung. The program builds on extensive past drilling at Mactung and an updated 2023 mineral resource estimate that supersedes a historical 2009 Feasibility Study. The project also benefits from a positive environmental assessment decision issued in 2014 by Yukon and Canadian Federal regulators. The DPA Title III award is non-dilutive to Fireweed shareholders and no commercial covenants are included in the award conditions that would impair Fireweed’s current business nor its future sale of tungsten concentrates to the industrial base. Fireweed’s own management team will lead the work and periodically report progress to administrators of the award. Canadian Government Funding to Advance the “North Canol Infrastructure Improvement Project” Fireweed will also receive up to C$12.9 M, pending final due diligence, from the Government of Canada through the Critical Minerals Infrastructure Fund (“CMIF”) to lead planning efforts for infrastructure improvements that would serve the critical minerals district at Macmillan Pass. The CMIF funding will support Fireweed’s implementation of the first phase (Phase I) of the “North Canol Infrastructure Improvement Project” (“NCIIP”), which includes developing preliminary designs for approximately 250 kilometers of road improvements, as well as upgrades to an existing transmission line between Faro and Ross River, and the construction of a new transmission line from Ross River to Macmillan Pass. The effort also includes seeking the consent of local Indigenous groups, completing necessary environmental assessment processes and facilitating multi-party project agreements necessary to advance NCIIP toward construction (Phase II). Fireweed anticipates NCIIP Phase II to be advanced through a collaboration of government, Indigenous groups and industry. Funding sources for NCIIP construction have yet to be determined but will likely involve ‘stacking’ a range of new and existing funding sources, potentially including previously announced Yukon Resource Gateway funding. Qualified Person Statement Technical information in this news release has been approved by Fireweed Metals VP Geology, Jack Milton, Ph.D., P.Geo. (BC), a ‘Qualified Person’ as defined under National Instrument 43-101. Dr. Milton is not independent of Fireweed for purposes of NI 43-101. About Fireweed Metals Corp. (TSXV: FWZ; OTCQX: FWEDF; FSE:M0G): Fireweed Metals Corp. is an exploration company unlocking significant value in a new critical metals district located in the Yukon, Canada. Fireweed is 100% owner of the Macpass District, a large and highly prospective 977 km 2 land package. The Macpass District includes the Macpass zinc-lead-silver (germanium-gallium) project and the Mactung tungsten project, both characterized by meaningful size, grade and opportunity. At Macpass, Fireweed owns one of the largest undeveloped zinc resources worldwide 1 , 2 , in a region with enormous exploration upside potential. The Mactung project is a strategic critical metals asset that hosts the world’s largest high-grade tungsten resource 1, 3 – a potential long-term supply of tungsten for North America. A Lundin Group company, Fireweed is strongly positioned to create meaningful value. In Canada, Fireweed (TSXV: FWZ) trades on the TSX Venture Exchange. In the USA, Fireweed (OTCQX: FWEDF) trades on the OTCQX Best Market for early stage and developing U.S. and international companies and is DTC eligible for enhanced electronic clearing and settlement. Investors can find Real-Time quotes and market information for the Company on www.otcmarkets.com. In Europe, Fireweed (FSE: M0G) trades on the Frankfurt Stock Exchange. Additional information about Fireweed and its projects can be found on the Company’s website at FireweedMetals.com and at www.sedarplus.com . ON BEHALF OF FIREWEED METALS CORP. “ Peter Hemstead ” President & CEO, and Director Neither the TSX Venture Exchange nor its Regulation Services Provider (as that term is defined in the policies of the TSX Venture Exchange) accepts responsibility for the adequacy or accuracy of this release. Cautionary Statements Forward Looking Statements This news release contains “forward-looking” statements and information (“forward-looking statements”). All statements, other than statements of historical facts, included herein, including, without limitation, statements relating to receipt of the DPA Title III award, use of proceeds of the DPA Title III award, receipt of CMIF award and the actual amount thereof, the use of proceeds of the CMIF award (including leading planning efforts relating to road improvements and transmission line construction and upgrades), pursuit of necessary licencing and permits and/or environmental assessment processes, seeking the consent of local Indigenous groups, the making of a final investment decision with respect to Mactung, interpretation of drill results, targets for exploration, potential extensions of mineralized zones, future work plans, and the potential of the Company’s projects, are forward looking statements. Forward-looking statements are frequently, but not always, identified by words such as “expects”, “anticipates”, “believes”, “intends”, “estimates”, “potential”, “possible”, and similar expressions, or statements that events, conditions, or results “will”, “may”, “could”, or “should” occur or be achieved. Forward-looking statements are based on the beliefs of Company management, as well as assumptions made by and information currently available to Company management and reflect the beliefs, opinions, and projections on the date the statements are made. Forward-looking statements involve various risks and uncertainties and accordingly, readers are advised not to place undue reliance on forward-looking statements. There can be no assurance that such statements will prove to be accurate, and actual results and future events could differ materially from those anticipated in such statements. Important factors that could cause actual results to differ materially from the Company’s expectations include but are not limited to, exploration and development risks, unanticipated reclamation expenses, expenditure and financing requirements, general economic conditions, changes in financial markets, changes in the Company’s work programs, the ability to properly and efficiently staff the Company’s operations, the sufficiency of working capital and funding for continued operations, title matters, First Nations and local Indigenous group relations, operating hazards, political and economic factors, competitive factors, metal prices, relationships with vendors and strategic partners, governmental regulations and oversight, permitting, seasonality and weather, present and future infrastructure capacities, technological change, industry practices, uncertainties involved in the interpretation of drilling results and laboratory tests, and one-time events. The Company assumes no obligation to update forward ‐ looking statements or beliefs, opinions, projections or other factors, except as required by law. Footnotes and References 1 References to relative size, grade, and metal content of the Mactung resources and Macpass resources in comparison to other tungsten, zinc, gallium, and germanium deposits elsewhere in the world, respectively, are based on review of the Standard & Poor’s Global Market Intelligence Capital IQ database. 2 For Tom, Jason, End Zone, and Boundary Zone Mineral Resources, see the technical report filed on https://www.sedarplus.ca/ October 18, 2024, entitled “Technical Report for NI 43-101, Macpass Project, Yukon, Canada”. The effective date of the Mineral Resource is September 4, 2024. SLR Managing Principal Resource Geologist, Pierre Landry, P.Geo. (BC) is a ‘Qualified Person’ as defined under NI 43-101. Mr. Landry is considered to be “independent” of the Company for purposes of NI 43-101. Mr. Landry, of SLR, is responsible for the Macpass Mineral Resource Estimate. 3 For Mactung Mineral Resources, see Fireweed news release dated June 13, 2023 “Fireweed Metals Announces Mineral Resources for the Mactung Project: the Largest High-Grade Tungsten Deposit in the World” and the technical report entitled “NI 43-101 Technical Report, Mactung Project, Yukon Territory, Canada,” with effective date July 28, 2023 filed on https://www.sedarplus.ca/ . Garth Kirkham, P.Geo. is considered independent of the Company, and a ‘Qualified Person’ as defined under NI 43-101. Garth Kirkham, of Kirkham Geosystems Limited., is responsible for the Mactung Mineral Resource Estimate. Contact: Peter Hemstead Phone: +1 (604) 689-7842 Email: info@fireweedmetals.com
Four Companies Sign Gas Supply Agreements For Hashemiyah CNG Hub
PLAINS, Ga. (AP) — Newly married and sworn as a Naval officer, Jimmy Carter left his tiny hometown in 1946 hoping to climb the ranks and see the world. Less than a decade later, the death of his father and namesake, a merchant farmer and local politician who went by “Mr. Earl,” prompted the submariner and his wife, Rosalynn, to return to the rural life of Plains, Georgia, they thought they’d escaped. The lieutenant never would be an admiral. Instead, he became commander in chief. Years after his presidency ended in humbling defeat, he would add a Nobel Peace Prize, awarded not for his White House accomplishments but “for his decades of untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” The life of James Earl Carter Jr., the 39th and longest-lived U.S. president, ended Sunday at the age of 100 where it began: Plains, the town of 600 that fueled his political rise, welcomed him after his fall and sustained him during 40 years of service that redefined what it means to be a former president. With the stubborn confidence of an engineer and an optimism rooted in his Baptist faith, Carter described his motivations in politics and beyond in the same way: an almost missionary zeal to solve problems and improve lives. Carter was raised amid racism, abject poverty and hard rural living — realities that shaped both his deliberate politics and emphasis on human rights. “He always felt a responsibility to help people,” said Jill Stuckey, a longtime friend of Carter's in Plains. “And when he couldn’t make change wherever he was, he decided he had to go higher.” Carter's path, a mix of happenstance and calculation , pitted moral imperatives against political pragmatism; and it defied typical labels of American politics, especially caricatures of one-term presidents as failures. “We shouldn’t judge presidents by how popular they are in their day. That's a very narrow way of assessing them," Carter biographer Jonathan Alter told the Associated Press. “We should judge them by how they changed the country and the world for the better. On that score, Jimmy Carter is not in the first rank of American presidents, but he stands up quite well.” Later in life, Carter conceded that many Americans, even those too young to remember his tenure, judged him ineffective for failing to contain inflation or interest rates, end the energy crisis or quickly bring home American hostages in Iran. He gained admirers instead for his work at The Carter Center — advocating globally for public health, human rights and democracy since 1982 — and the decades he and Rosalynn wore hardhats and swung hammers with Habitat for Humanity. Yet the common view that he was better after the Oval Office than in it annoyed Carter, and his allies relished him living long enough to see historians reassess his presidency. “He doesn’t quite fit in today’s terms” of a left-right, red-blue scoreboard, said U.S. Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg, who visited the former president multiple times during his own White House bid. At various points in his political career, Carter labeled himself “progressive” or “conservative” — sometimes both at once. His most ambitious health care bill failed — perhaps one of his biggest legislative disappointments — because it didn’t go far enough to suit liberals. Republicans, especially after his 1980 defeat, cast him as a left-wing cartoon. It would be easiest to classify Carter as a centrist, Buttigieg said, “but there’s also something radical about the depth of his commitment to looking after those who are left out of society and out of the economy.” Indeed, Carter’s legacy is stitched with complexities, contradictions and evolutions — personal and political. The self-styled peacemaker was a war-trained Naval Academy graduate who promised Democratic challenger Ted Kennedy that he’d “kick his ass.” But he campaigned with a call to treat everyone with “respect and compassion and with love.” Carter vowed to restore America’s virtue after the shame of Vietnam and Watergate, and his technocratic, good-government approach didn't suit Republicans who tagged government itself as the problem. It also sometimes put Carter at odds with fellow Democrats. The result still was a notable legislative record, with wins on the environment, education, and mental health care. He dramatically expanded federally protected lands, began deregulating air travel, railroads and trucking, and he put human rights at the center of U.S. foreign policy. As a fiscal hawk, Carter added a relative pittance to the national debt, unlike successors from both parties. Carter nonetheless struggled to make his achievements resonate with the electorate he charmed in 1976. Quoting Bob Dylan and grinning enthusiastically, he had promised voters he would “never tell a lie.” Once in Washington, though, he led like a joyless engineer, insisting his ideas would become reality and he'd be rewarded politically if only he could convince enough people with facts and logic. This served him well at Camp David, where he brokered peace between Israel’s Menachem Begin and Epypt’s Anwar Sadat, an experience that later sparked the idea of The Carter Center in Atlanta. Carter's tenacity helped the center grow to a global force that monitored elections across five continents, enabled his freelance diplomacy and sent public health experts across the developing world. The center’s wins were personal for Carter, who hoped to outlive the last Guinea worm parasite, and nearly did. As president, though, the approach fell short when he urged consumers beleaguered by energy costs to turn down their thermostats. Or when he tried to be the nation’s cheerleader, beseeching Americans to overcome a collective “crisis of confidence.” Republican Ronald Reagan exploited Carter's lecturing tone with a belittling quip in their lone 1980 debate. “There you go again,” the former Hollywood actor said in response to a wonky answer from the sitting president. “The Great Communicator” outpaced Carter in all but six states. Carter later suggested he “tried to do too much, too soon” and mused that he was incompatible with Washington culture: media figures, lobbyists and Georgetown social elites who looked down on the Georgians and their inner circle as “country come to town.” Carter carefully navigated divides on race and class on his way to the Oval Office. Born Oct. 1, 1924 , Carter was raised in the mostly Black community of Archery, just outside Plains, by a progressive mother and white supremacist father. Their home had no running water or electricity but the future president still grew up with the relative advantages of a locally prominent, land-owning family in a system of Jim Crow segregation. He wrote of President Franklin Roosevelt’s towering presence and his family’s Democratic Party roots, but his father soured on FDR, and Jimmy Carter never campaigned or governed as a New Deal liberal. He offered himself as a small-town peanut farmer with an understated style, carrying his own luggage, bunking with supporters during his first presidential campaign and always using his nickname. And he began his political career in a whites-only Democratic Party. As private citizens, he and Rosalynn supported integration as early as the 1950s and believed it inevitable. Carter refused to join the White Citizens Council in Plains and spoke out in his Baptist church against denying Black people access to worship services. “This is not my house; this is not your house,” he said in a churchwide meeting, reminding fellow parishioners their sanctuary belonged to God. Yet as the appointed chairman of Sumter County schools he never pushed to desegregate, thinking it impractical after the Supreme Court’s 1954 Brown v. Board decision. And while presidential candidate Carter would hail the 1965 Voting Rights Act, signed by fellow Democrat Lyndon Johnson when Carter was a state senator, there is no record of Carter publicly supporting it at the time. Carter overcame a ballot-stuffing opponent to win his legislative seat, then lost the 1966 governor's race to an arch-segregationist. He won four years later by avoiding explicit mentions of race and campaigning to the right of his rival, who he mocked as “Cufflinks Carl” — the insult of an ascendant politician who never saw himself as part the establishment. Carter’s rural and small-town coalition in 1970 would match any victorious Republican electoral map in 2024. Once elected, though, Carter shocked his white conservative supporters — and landed on the cover of Time magazine — by declaring that “the time for racial discrimination is over.” Before making the jump to Washington, Carter befriended the family of slain civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr., whom he’d never sought out as he eyed the governor’s office. Carter lamented his foot-dragging on school integration as a “mistake.” But he also met, conspicuously, with Alabama's segregationist Gov. George Wallace to accept his primary rival's endorsement ahead of the 1976 Democratic convention. “He very shrewdly took advantage of his own Southerness,” said Amber Roessner, a University of Tennessee professor and expert on Carter’s campaigns. A coalition of Black voters and white moderate Democrats ultimately made Carter the last Democratic presidential nominee to sweep the Deep South. Then, just as he did in Georgia, he used his power in office to appoint more non-whites than all his predecessors had, combined. He once acknowledged “the secret shame” of white Americans who didn’t fight segregation. But he also told Alter that doing more would have sacrificed his political viability – and thus everything he accomplished in office and after. King's daughter, Bernice King, described Carter as wisely “strategic” in winning higher offices to enact change. “He was a leader of conscience,” she said in an interview. Rosalynn Carter, who died on Nov. 19 at the age of 96, was identified by both husband and wife as the “more political” of the pair; she sat in on Cabinet meetings and urged him to postpone certain priorities, like pressing the Senate to relinquish control of the Panama Canal. “Let that go until the second term,” she would sometimes say. The president, recalled her former aide Kathy Cade, retorted that he was “going to do what’s right” even if “it might cut short the time I have.” Rosalynn held firm, Cade said: “She’d remind him you have to win to govern.” Carter also was the first president to appoint multiple women as Cabinet officers. Yet by his own telling, his career sprouted from chauvinism in the Carters' early marriage: He did not consult Rosalynn when deciding to move back to Plains in 1953 or before launching his state Senate bid a decade later. Many years later, he called it “inconceivable” that he didn’t confer with the woman he described as his “full partner,” at home, in government and at The Carter Center. “We developed a partnership when we were working in the farm supply business, and it continued when Jimmy got involved in politics,” Rosalynn Carter told AP in 2021. So deep was their trust that when Carter remained tethered to the White House in 1980 as 52 Americans were held hostage in Tehran, it was Rosalynn who campaigned on her husband’s behalf. “I just loved it,” she said, despite the bitterness of defeat. Fair or not, the label of a disastrous presidency had leading Democrats keep their distance, at least publicly, for many years, but Carter managed to remain relevant, writing books and weighing in on societal challenges. He lamented widening wealth gaps and the influence of money in politics. He voted for democratic socialist Bernie Sanders over Hillary Clinton in 2016, and later declared that America had devolved from fully functioning democracy to “oligarchy.” Yet looking ahead to 2020, with Sanders running again, Carter warned Democrats not to “move to a very liberal program,” lest they help re-elect President Donald Trump. Carter scolded the Republican for his serial lies and threats to democracy, and chided the U.S. establishment for misunderstanding Trump’s populist appeal. He delighted in yearly convocations with Emory University freshmen, often asking them to guess how much he’d raised in his two general election campaigns. “Zero,” he’d gesture with a smile, explaining the public financing system candidates now avoid so they can raise billions. Carter still remained quite practical in partnering with wealthy corporations and foundations to advance Carter Center programs. Carter recognized that economic woes and the Iran crisis doomed his presidency, but offered no apologies for appointing Paul Volcker as the Federal Reserve chairman whose interest rate hikes would not curb inflation until Reagan's presidency. He was proud of getting all the hostages home without starting a shooting war, even though Tehran would not free them until Reagan's Inauguration Day. “Carter didn’t look at it” as a failure, Alter emphasized. “He said, ‘They came home safely.’ And that’s what he wanted.” Well into their 90s, the Carters greeted visitors at Plains’ Maranatha Baptist Church, where he taught Sunday School and where he will have his last funeral before being buried on family property alongside Rosalynn . Carter, who made the congregation’s collection plates in his woodworking shop, still garnered headlines there, calling for women’s rights within religious institutions, many of which, he said, “subjugate” women in church and society. Carter was not one to dwell on regrets. “I am at peace with the accomplishments, regret the unrealized goals and utilize my former political position to enhance everything we do,” he wrote around his 90th birthday. The politician who had supposedly hated Washington politics also enjoyed hosting Democratic presidential contenders as public pilgrimages to Plains became advantageous again. Carter sat with Buttigieg for the final time March 1, 2020, hours before the Indiana mayor ended his campaign and endorsed eventual winner Joe Biden. “He asked me how I thought the campaign was going,” Buttigieg said, recalling that Carter flashed his signature grin and nodded along as the young candidate, born a year after Carter left office, “put the best face” on the walloping he endured the day before in South Carolina. Never breaking his smile, the 95-year-old host fired back, “I think you ought to drop out.” “So matter of fact,” Buttigieg said with a laugh. “It was somehow encouraging.” Carter had lived enough, won plenty and lost enough to take the long view. “He talked a lot about coming from nowhere,” Buttigieg said, not just to attain the presidency but to leverage “all of the instruments you have in life” and “make the world more peaceful.” In his farewell address as president, Carter said as much to the country that had embraced and rejected him. “The struggle for human rights overrides all differences of color, nation or language,” he declared. “Those who hunger for freedom, who thirst for human dignity and who suffer for the sake of justice — they are the patriots of this cause.” Carter pledged to remain engaged with and for them as he returned “home to the South where I was born and raised,” home to Plains, where that young lieutenant had indeed become “a fellow citizen of the world.” —- Bill Barrow, based in Atlanta, has covered national politics including multiple presidential campaigns for the AP since 2012.
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