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ORLANDO, Fla., Dec. 02, 2024 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) -- Abacus Life, Inc. (“Abacus” or the “Company”) (NASDAQ: ABL), a pioneering global alternative asset manager specializing in leveraging longevity data and actuarial technology to offer uncorrelated investment opportunities, today announced it has completed the acquisition of FCF Advisors (“FCF”), a New York-based asset manager and index provider specializing in free cash flow-focused investment strategies. The acquisition of FCF, which currently has approximately $850 million in assets under management, constitutes a significant milestone in Abacus’ ongoing expansion of ABL Wealth and its suite of products. “We are excited to complete this strategic acquisition and welcome FCF Advisors to the Abacus Life family,” said Jay Jackson, CEO of Abacus Life. “The addition of FCF Advisors significantly expands our offerings within ABL Wealth, bringing us even closer to our stated goal of delivering comprehensive, lifespan-based financial advisory services and products. FCF aligns perfectly with our strategy of providing clients with holistic and tailored financial solutions throughout their lives.” Over the past decade, FCF has become a recognized leader in free cash flow analytics and research. The firm has pioneered the free cash flow quality model, which serves as the foundation for the firm’s quantitative investment process. FCF Advisors has a suite of core and thematic free cash flow equity strategies and offers over 50 customizable free cash flow index strategies covering 8 global equities allocation categories available in ETFs, separately managed accounts (“SMA”)/white label SMA and model delivery. About Abacus Abacus is a pioneering global alternative asset manager and market maker specializing in uncorrelated financial products. The company leverages its proprietary, cutting-edge longevity data and actuarial technology to purchase life insurance policies from consumers seeking liquidity. This creates a high-return asset class uncorrelated to market fluctuations for institutional investors. With nearly $3 billion in assets under management, including recently-completed acquisitions, Abacus is the only publicly traded global alternative asset manager focused on lifespan-based financial products. Abacus is expanding its leading expertise in longevity and lifespan into new growth areas: ABL Wealth - Leverages decades of data and proprietary algorithms to offer longevity-based wealth management platforms that enable financial advisors to create customized plans and provide access to uncorrelated investments. ABL Tech - A groundbreaking technology service that delivers advanced real-time data tracking and analysis for pension funds, governments, insurance companies, retirement associations, and more. Through each new channel, Abacus is revolutionizing the future of asset management and financial planning, centered on longevity and lifespan. www.Abacuslife.com Contacts: Investor Relations Robert F. Phillips – SVP Investor Relations and Corporate Affairs rob@abacuslife.com (321) 290-1198 David Jackson – IR/Capital Markets Associate djackson@abacuslife.com (321) 299-0716 Abacus Life Public Relations press@abacuslife.comStocks closed higher on Wall Street as the market posted its fifth straight gain and the Dow Jones Industrial Average notched another record high. The S&P 500 rose 0.3%. The benchmark index’s 1.7% gain for the week erased most of its loss from last week. The Dow rose 1% as it nudged past its most recent high set last week, and the Nasdaq composite rose 0.2%. Markets have been volatile over the last few weeks, losing ground in the runup to elections in November, then surging following Donald Trump's victory, before falling again. The S&P 500 has been steadily rising throughout this week to within close range of its record. It's now within about 0.5% of its all-time high set last week. “Overall, market behavior has normalized following an intense few weeks,” said Mark Hackett, chief of investment research at Nationwide, in a statement. Several retailers jumped after giving Wall Street encouraging financial updates. Gap soared 12.8% after handily beating analysts' third-quarter earnings and revenue expectations, while raising its own revenue forecast for the year. Discount retailer Ross Stores rose 2.2% after raising its earnings forecast for the year. EchoStar fell 2.8% after DirecTV called off its purchase of that company's Dish Network unit. Smaller company stocks had some of the biggest gains. The Russell 2000 index rose 1.8%. A majority of stocks in the S&P 500 gained ground, but those gains were kept in check by slumps for several big technology companies. Nvidia fell 3.2%. Its pricey valuation makes it among the heaviest influences on whether the broader market gains or loses ground. The company has grown into a nearly $3.6 trillion behemoth because of demand for its chips used in artificial-intelligence technology. Intuit, which makes TurboTax and other accounting software, fell 5.7%. It gave investors a quarterly earnings forecast that fell short of analysts’ expectations. Facebook owner Meta Platforms fell 0.7% following a decision by the Supreme Court to allow a multibillion-dollar class action investors’ lawsuit to proceed against the company. It stems from the privacy scandal involving the Cambridge Analytica political consulting firm. All told, the S&P 500 rose 20.63 points to 5,969.34. The Dow climbed 426.16 points to 44,296.51, and the Nasdaq picked up 42.65 points to close at 2,406.67. European markets closed mostly higher and Asian markets ended mixed. Crude oil prices rose. Treasury yields held relatively steady in the bond market. The yield on the 10-year Treasury fell to 4.41% from 4.42% late Thursday. In the crypto market, bitcoin hovered around $99,000, according to CoinDesk. It has more than doubled this year and first surpassed the $99,000 level on Thursday. Retailers remained a big focus for investors this week amid close scrutiny on consumer spending habits headed into the holiday shopping season. Walmart, the nation's largest retailer, reported a quarter of strong sales and gave investors an encouraging financial forecast. Target, though, reported weaker earnings than analysts' expected and its forecast disappointed Wall Street. Consumer spending has fueled economic growth, despite a persistent squeeze from inflation and high borrowing costs. Inflation has been easing and the Federal Reserve has started trimming its benchmark interest rates. That is likely to help relieve pressure on consumers, but any major shift in spending could prompt the Fed to reassess its path ahead on interest rates. Also, any big reversals on the rate of inflation could curtail spending. Consumer sentiment remains strong, according to the University of Michigan's consumer sentiment index. It revised its latest figure for November to 71.8 from an initial reading of 73 earlier this month, though economists expected a slight increase. It's still up from 70.5 in October. The survey also showed that consumers' inflation expectations for the year ahead fell slightly to 2.6%, which is the lowest reading since December of 2020. Wall Street will get another update on how consumers feel when the business group The Conference Board releases its monthly consumer confidence survey on Tuesday. A key inflation update will come on Wednesday when the U.S. releases its October personal consumption expenditures index. The PCE is the Fed's preferred measure of inflation and this will be the last PCE reading prior to the central bank's meeting in December. Copyright 2024 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. 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Ruud van Nistelrooy admits he was “hurt” at having to leave Manchester United last month. Van Nistelrooy returned to Old Trafford as Erik ten Hag’s assistant in the summer and had a four-game interim spell in charge following his compatriot’s sacking in October. He left the club in the wake of Ruben Amorim’s appointment but was only out of work for two weeks after being appointed Leicester’s new manager on a deal until 2027. The 48-year-old had a glittering playing career with United and was disappointed his return had to end so soon. “The moment I took over the interim job what I said was I’m here to help United and to stay to help United, and I meant it,” he said. “So I was disappointed, yeah, very much so, and it hurt I had to leave. “The only job I would take as an assistant was at United because of the bond that I have with the people in the club and the fans. “But in the end I got my head around it because I also understand the new manager. I’m in football long enough, and I’ve managed myself, that you can think of a situation, me being there, I understand. “I spoke to Ruben about it, fair enough to him, the conversation was grateful, man to man, person to person, manager to manager, and that helped a lot to move on and straightaway get into talks with new possibilities which of course lifted my spirits.” The Dutchman takes on a difficult job at the King Power Stadium as he is tasked with keeping Leicester in the Premier League. He inherits an influential dressing room, which has seen a number of managers come and go over the last few years. Ruud's here for his first press conference as our Manager 😃 pic.twitter.com/A4Juixvorb — Leicester City (@LCFC) December 2, 2024 Van Nistelrooy revealed he has done his due diligence and also let the players know as well. “It’s the only way you can work. It’s mutual respect. I also mentioned to the players yesterday that I looked at the squad and started to make phone calls about players, because in football everyone knows everyone,” he said. “With two or three phone calls you hear stories about 20 players and for me it was important that you hear there are good characters there. That’s important, that there are good people there. “I look at the players how they play. I obviously don’t know them but I got general information and the individuals that they are a good bunch of people. That was important for me to get in.”
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Natixis Advisors LLC cut its stake in shares of Southern Copper Co. ( NYSE:SCCO – Free Report ) by 9.4% in the third quarter, according to the company in its most recent Form 13F filing with the Securities & Exchange Commission. The firm owned 28,041 shares of the basic materials company’s stock after selling 2,911 shares during the period. Natixis Advisors LLC’s holdings in Southern Copper were worth $3,244,000 as of its most recent SEC filing. A number of other institutional investors have also made changes to their positions in the stock. KCM Investment Advisors LLC increased its stake in shares of Southern Copper by 2.9% in the 3rd quarter. KCM Investment Advisors LLC now owns 55,763 shares of the basic materials company’s stock valued at $6,450,000 after acquiring an additional 1,559 shares during the last quarter. Empowered Funds LLC bought a new stake in Southern Copper in the third quarter valued at approximately $456,000. CIBC Asset Management Inc raised its holdings in Southern Copper by 4.0% in the third quarter. CIBC Asset Management Inc now owns 24,503 shares of the basic materials company’s stock worth $2,834,000 after purchasing an additional 935 shares during the period. Metis Global Partners LLC boosted its position in shares of Southern Copper by 41.8% during the third quarter. Metis Global Partners LLC now owns 4,654 shares of the basic materials company’s stock worth $538,000 after purchasing an additional 1,373 shares in the last quarter. Finally, Planning Capital Management Corp acquired a new position in shares of Southern Copper in the 3rd quarter valued at $52,000. 7.94% of the stock is owned by institutional investors and hedge funds. Southern Copper Price Performance Shares of SCCO opened at $99.74 on Friday. The company has a quick ratio of 2.31, a current ratio of 2.77 and a debt-to-equity ratio of 0.64. Southern Copper Co. has a twelve month low of $70.63 and a twelve month high of $129.79. The stock has a market capitalization of $78.35 billion, a P/E ratio of 25.68, a P/E/G ratio of 1.04 and a beta of 1.18. The company has a 50 day moving average of $110.24 and a 200-day moving average of $109.04. Southern Copper Dividend Announcement Analyst Ratings Changes Several research analysts have weighed in on SCCO shares. Citigroup lifted their target price on Southern Copper from $99.44 to $100.00 and gave the stock a “sell” rating in a report on Wednesday, October 2nd. Morgan Stanley lifted their price objective on Southern Copper from $97.00 to $100.00 and gave the company an “underweight” rating in a report on Thursday, September 19th. Finally, Scotiabank lowered their target price on Southern Copper from $54.00 to $52.00 and set a “sector underperform” rating for the company in a research note on Tuesday, October 15th. Six equities research analysts have rated the stock with a sell rating, one has assigned a hold rating and three have issued a buy rating to the company. According to MarketBeat.com, the stock has a consensus rating of “Hold” and an average target price of $90.63. Check Out Our Latest Stock Analysis on SCCO About Southern Copper ( Free Report ) Southern Copper Corporation engages in mining, exploring, smelting, and refining copper and other minerals in Peru, Mexico, Argentina, Ecuador, and Chile. The company is involved in the mining, milling, and flotation of copper ore to produce copper and molybdenum concentrates; smelting of copper concentrates to produce blister and anode copper; refining of anode copper to produce copper cathodes; production of molybdenum concentrate and sulfuric acid; production of refined silver, gold, and other materials; and mining and processing of zinc, copper, molybdenum, silver, gold, and lead. Recommended Stories Want to see what other hedge funds are holding SCCO? Visit HoldingsChannel.com to get the latest 13F filings and insider trades for Southern Copper Co. ( NYSE:SCCO – Free Report ). Receive News & Ratings for Southern Copper Daily - Enter your email address below to receive a concise daily summary of the latest news and analysts' ratings for Southern Copper and related companies with MarketBeat.com's FREE daily email newsletter .Levis throws 2 TD passes to help Titans outlast Texans 32-27
Facebook X Email Print Save Story Over the weekend, Syrian President Bashar al-Assad fled to Russia as opposition forces took over the capital of Damascus, ending an uprising that had begun in 2011 and killed hundreds of thousands of people, and displaced millions. Assad’s regime had appeared to have gained the upper hand after receiving significant military support from Iran and Russia. But with his allies tied down with conflicts against Israel and Ukraine, respectively, Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham (H.T.S.), a rebel group once affiliated with Al Qaeda under its former name, Al Nusra Front, marched with stunning speed across Syria’s major cities. To understand what this turn of events means for Syria’s neighbors and how the country might achieve a semblance of normalcy, I recently spoke by phone with Emile Hokayem, the director of regional security and a senior fellow for Middle East security at the International Institute for Strategic Studies, who has written extensively on Syria for almost two decades. During our conversation, which has been edited for length and clarity, we also discussed the internal dynamics that led the Assad regime to decline, why Assad’s onetime regional enemies remain concerned, and what the rebels who overthrew the government really want. Over the past forty-eight hours, we’ve seen people celebrating Assad’s fall, but what are you most concerned about right now and why? I think everyone’s concern has to do with the factionalism that has pervaded not just the opposition, but Syria. The regime itself was as fractured as the opposition has been in the past. Syria has a Kurdish population, and ISIS is still rearing its ugly head in the eastern desert. So some part of the country was unified for a long time around Assad because he seemed like the lowest common denominator. But that became part of the reason he fell. The opposition became relatively more united because it had one enemy to rally against. Now we are essentially going back to a competition for power, for territory, for legitimacy. And that is going to be the difficult task here—to rise above that. But I don’t think we should be cynical. Just because it was hard in the past and that it didn’t succeed elsewhere doesn’t mean that the Syrians will fail. There is a strong argument for optimism here based on the fact that this was in a way a purely Syrian victory, or a Syrian solution to a Syrian problem. This was not an international or a regionally backed effort that led to the demise of Assad. That it was a bottom-up process may actually serve to reduce some of these divisions. Specifically, the fact that we have avoided the so-called Qaddafi moment—that essentially Bashar al-Assad was not captured and killed, which happened with Qaddafi in a pretty gruesome way—could serve to diffuse tensions. Had we had a Qaddafi moment, I think the way it would’ve played into the Syrian confessional universe would have been worrisome, and that would’ve been the overwhelming image. Because it would have been the majority religious group, Sunnis, murdering someone—even if he might deserve it—someone from a minority sect, in this case the Alawites? Exactly. In a way, yes, it’s sad that he escaped, and there’s certainly going to be very, very legitimate calls for justice. But avoiding this violent culmination of that process—although there is still violence and I’m not whitewashing what’s happening—and not having that one moment, the one picture that crystallizes all the fears, does help. You said that this was a Syrian solution to a Syrian problem. Does that imply that you think the role of Turkey in supporting this group, H.T.S., is overstated? Certainly. Turkey is the big geopolitical winner, but I think we need to provide some context there. First, Turkey is not a direct sponsor of H.T.S. It is actually the sponsor to another coalition called the Syrian National Army, which brought remnants of other groups together. And if anything, H.T.S., although it comes from a radical jihadist past, has actually been quite disciplined in this space and in recent years has avoided some of the extreme behavior that Turkish-supported groups like the S.N.A. have not. I would argue the S.N.A. is a more problematic force in this regard. I don’t believe, and a number of other analysts don’t believe, that Turkey masterminded the march to Damascus from Day One. I think the Turks had in mind limited achievements in and around Aleppo. The rebels wanted to push further, but the Turks were on board for a limited operation. It’s just that the speed at which things happened, the momentum that the rebels gathered, essentially overtook initial calculations. I think that this march and this frenetic advance is largely due to momentum that the rebels themselves were a bit surprised about. But more fundamentally, and I think this is the key factor, it exposed the hollowness and the rot of the Assad regime. The loyalist constituencies of Assad decided that it wasn’t worth fighting. Why? Because Assad defeated his enemies, and they stopped posing an existential threat to him. But there were no victory dividends the day after, and that really hurt his constituency. He won, but there were no positive returns economically. Who was his constituency? It was a very diverse one that included Alawite individuals and clans that have benefitted from the regime and served in key security functions. But it extended to a senior Sunni officer corps, and to a large section of the Sunni urban, élite middle class, upper class. It included members of minorities: Armenians, Christians, others. It was a disparate coalition that supported him first and foremost because he was the rampart against Islamists, broadly defined. And they shed a lot of blood for him. They suffered profoundly, and they justified Assad’s murderous campaign in the previous decades. But these constituencies, and their economic and social fortunes, declined since victory was achieved. Assad did not have the mind-set, did not have the plan, did not have the resources to make things better, including for his constituency. If anything, his regime grew more predatory, more rapacious, more violent in the past few years. It never regained cohesion. It never regained a sense of purpose. There’s an argument being made that the most important foreign backers of Assad, such as Hezbollah, Iran, and Russia, withdrew their support or weren’t able to provide the same levels of support, and that caused the regime to collapse. I assume you think that’s part of the reason, but it also seems like you’re saying something distinct. Look, I don’t deny the significant contribution that the weakening of Iran and the overstretch of Russia had in all this. But the speed at which the regime forces collapsed and the total absence of those popular militias which had rallied in the past and the fact that Assad did not have a narrative mattered. He did not appear once on television in the past ten days. All this points to the utter hollowness of his regime and the fact that it had essentially lost the support of all these constituencies that were key to survival during the prior iteration of that war, between 2011 and 2017. I don’t think one can understand what happened if one ignores that significant dynamic. So yes, there’s certainly a geopolitical context for all this, but there is Syrian agency. There are local conditions that have allowed this to happen the way it did happen. And keep in mind the economic collapse, and the fact that they lost access to the Lebanese economy. Is that because of international sanctions on Syria, or because of various problems in Lebanon? In part, it’s sanctions, but more important it’s the collapse of the Lebanese financial sector and economy since 2019. And that was essentially Syria’s economic lung. They were trading through Lebanon, they were money laundering through Lebanon, they were putting their savings in Lebanon. What signals are you reading for hope and concern? I assume the most obvious one is just how non-Sunni groups are going to be treated. The first point I would make is that this war hasn’t ended just yet. Just because the large cities have been liberated from Assad’s control should not make us forget that on Sunday there was fighting in northern Syria between the S.N.A. and the Kurds. Yesterday, the U.S. bombed more than seventy-five ISIS positions in the eastern desert and the Israelis expanded their control of the Golan Heights and bombed a number of facilities. And importantly, a number of Assad’s militias have now retreated to the coastal areas, and there is a fear that they can still defend themselves. A lot of them are hardened men who have fought in the past and are very worried about their future. So the potential for more violence does exist. And it’s not the day after; we’re not there yet. There is a lot in flux. The second point is that some of the rebel factions are quite disciplined. And it’s clear that H.T.S., led by Abu Mohammad al-Julani, has developed the language, has talked about policy positions, and wants to come across as the mature party. I don’t want to whitewash their record. It may change, and one should not be naïve about these groups. But the key thing is to see whether stability and order can be brought to the large cities quickly. If you have large-scale chaos in Damascus or Homs or Aleppo, one is going to struggle to put some kind of political process on track. There is the question of whether there’s anything from the past ten years of political negotiations that can be put on the table. There were a lot of initiatives, including one by the U.N. to define a new constitution for Syria, to include Syria’s massive diversity. Are there ready-made plans or ideas that can be deployed? And with a group like H.T.S., which is listed as a terrorist organization by the U.S. and others—Julani himself is considered a terrorist by the U.S. and others—how are they brought into the tent? Orchestrating that choreography where you need to bring in the remnants of the regime, too, will be complex. It does require regional support, but at a time when Europe is exhausted, Russia is on the back foot, the U.S. is going through a transition and Trump has already said the U.S. should have nothing to do with Syria, the multilateral system is battered. So who orchestrates that? Is it going to be Turkey leading? And, if Turkey leads, will the others accept? Is Turkey going to think about this in terms of just the stabilization of Syria or as part of its power play with Iran and Russia? How are the Sunni states thinking about Assad’s fall? Because they were broadly supportive of getting rid of Assad for a while, and then they were concerned about ISIS. And then it seemed like Assad had won and they reached out to him. In a way, there’s a sweet irony. Ten years ago, many of the Arab states wanted Assad gone and the Syrians were divided. Now most of the Syrians want Assad gone, but most of the Arab states wanted him to stay. Not because they loved him, but because prior attempts had failed, the cost was significant, and because the region is on fire. So a number of countries basically were telling themselves, We don’t want yet another crisis on our hands. Everyone recognizes Syria is a central geopolitical theatre. Because of its geography, Syria is pivotal. Not because it has great strength or a booming economy or plenty of resources. It’s purely a question of geography. Syria is a theatre in which at any one day, the U.S., Russian, Turkish, Iranian, and Israeli militaries are operating. Can you think of another place in the world that has this variety of large important militaries engaging in operations, plus jihadis? The reality is that the region is stunned by what happened. I just spent a couple of days with Middle Eastern officials, very senior ones, and I can tell you they’re struggling. They had written Syria off. Most of them wanted to normalize with Assad because they made very flawed assumptions about Syria. And they’re not the only ones. The Italians had decided to normalize with Assad and had sent an ambassador for the first time back to Damascus last month. But they got Syrian society wrong. And, when you see the reaction in the main cities, it’s mostly positive about that change. So now all these states have to figure out: Who are these new players in Syria? And importantly, these new players will feel that they don’t owe foreigners much. You know, in the previous round there was international support, but there was also international abandonment after the chemical-weapons attack. That’s what’s so important for Syrians now—they did it themselves, so they don’t owe the region much. You said Syria is so important because all these outside actors have decided to make it central to their interests. But is that because there’s something unique about the place, or just because the geopolitics of the past twenty years happened to lead to this outcome? I think it’s important because of its geography, because of all the borders it has with so many significant states; because it’s where Turkish-Arab competition plays out, where Arab and Iranian competition plays out, where Israel is keen on asserting its security interests and so on. And increasingly, it’s because of Syria’s role as a hub for migration and for drug-trafficking and for terrorism. It’s not necessarily intrinsically about Syria and Syrians; it’s about Syria as this hub for a lot of negative dynamics. Just to be clear, I’m offering you a geopolitical reading. It’s also important for Syrians. One thing that has not come up much in this conversation is that the Gulf states and Israel are happy that this is a defeat for Iran. Do you think that element has been overstated? These actors had all preferred a weak, deterrable Assad over this traumatic transformation. The U.S. really was not planning on that change. If anything, its policy was moving toward limited reëngagements. The Gulf states wanted to turn the page on political transformations in the Arab world. And Israel was fine with Assad as long as it could fly over Syria, bomb anything it wanted, and not be challenged. Are they pleased that Iran is weakened? Yes. Syria is central to Iran’s position in the region, to the resupply of Hezbollah. So this is a monumental setback for Iran, in part because it had already spent so much money and shed so much blood saving Assad the first time only to see this investment essentially disappear. And I suspect, in Iran, there’s a lot of introspection about the cost of supporting all these weak actors. So Iran is definitely weakened, but Iran has been resilient in the past. What happens depends on how the Iranians absorb that shock, whether there is a recognition in Iran that actually the axis of resistance is not that popular, that it actually sits on weak societies and weak states—which means that it’s not real power at the end of the day, and that these are costly endeavors. But also these actors have posed a very high risk to Iran. If Hamas starts something, and that ends up in a potential Israel-U.S.-Iran war with exchanges of missiles, that’s not what the Iranians wanted. So you support those militia partners, thinking that they amplify your influence, and in fact, they entangle you in crises that you struggle to keep up with. And that’s where the Iranians are. ♦ New Yorker Favorites A man was murdered in cold blood and you’re laughing ? The best albums of 2024. Little treats galore: a holiday gift guide . How Maria Callas lost her voice . An objectively objectionable grammatical pet peeve . 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