ST. SIMONS ISLAND, Ga. — PGA Tour rookie Patrick Fishburn played bogey-free for an 8-under 64 for his first lead after any round. Joel Dahmen was 10 shots behind and had a bigger cause for celebration Friday in the RSM Classic. Dahmen made a 5-foot par putt on his final hole for a 2-under 68 in tough conditions brought on by the wind and cold, allowing him to make the cut on the number and get two more days to secure his PGA Tour card for next year. He is No. 124 in the FedEx Cup. "I still got more to write this weekend for sure," said Dahmen, who recently had said his story is not yet over. "But without having the opportunity to play this weekend, my story would be a lot shorter this year." Fishburn took advantage of being on the easier Plantation course, with trees blocking the brunt of the wind and two additional par 5s. He also was helped by Maverick McNealy, who opened with a 62 on the tougher Seaside course, making two bogeys late in his round and having to settle for a 70. People are also reading... Fishburn, who already has locked up his card for next year, was at 11-under 131 and led McNealy and Lee Hodges (63) going into the weekend. Michael Thorbjornsen had a 69 and was the only player who had to face Seaside on Friday who was among the top five. What mattered on this day, however, was far down the leaderboard. The RSM Classic is the final tournament of the PGA Tour season, and only the top 125 in the FedEx Cup have full status in 2025. That's more critical than ever with the tour only taking the top 100 for full cards after next season. Players like Dahmen will need full status to get as many playing opportunities as they can. That explains why he felt so much pressure on a Friday. He didn't make a bogey after his opening hole and was battling temperatures in the low 50s that felt even colder with the wind ripping off the Atlantic waters of St. Simons Sound. He made a key birdie on the 14th, hitting a 4-iron for his second shot on the 424-yard hole. Dahmen also hit wedge to 2 feet on the 16th that put him on the cut line, and from the 18th fairway, he was safely on the green some 40 feet away. But he lagged woefully short, leaving himself a testy 5-footer with his job on the line. "It was a great putt. I was very nervous," Dahmen said. "But there's still work to do. It wasn't the game-winner, it was like the half-court shot to get us to halftime. But without that, and the way I played today, I wouldn't have anything this weekend." His playing partners weren't so fortunate. The tour put three in danger of losing their cards in the same group — Zac Blair (No. 123), Dahmen and Wesley Bryan (No. 125). The cut was at 1-under 141. Blair and Bryan came to the 18th hole needing birdie to be assured of making the cut and both narrowly missed. Now they have to wait to see if anyone passes them, which is typically the case. Thorbjornsen in a tie for fourth and Daniel Berger (66 at Plantation) in a tie for 17th both were projected to move into the top 125. Dahmen, indeed, still has work to do. Fishburn gets a weekend to see if he can end his rookie year with a win. "I've had a lot of experience playing in cold growing up in Utah, playing this time of year, kind of get used to playing when the body's not moving very well and you've got to move your hands," said Fishburn, who played college golf at BYU. "Just pretty happy with how I played." Ludvig Aberg, the defending champion and No. 5 player in the world competing for the first time in more than two months because of knee surgery, bounced back with a 64 on Plantation and was back in the mix. Aberg played with Luke Clanton, the Florida State sophomore who looks like he belongs each week. Clanton, the No. 1 player in the world amateur ranking who received a sponsor exemption, had a 65 at Plantation and was two shots off the lead. Clanton already has a runner-up and two other top 10s since June. "Playing with him, it's pretty awesome to watch," Clanton said. "We were kind of fanboying a little it. I know he's a really good dude but to be playing with him and to see what he's done over the last couple years, it's pretty inspirational." Be the first to knowThe wife of NHL star Johnny Gaudreau 's brother Matthew Gaudreau has given birth to their first baby, four months after the siblings were killed in a road accident . Madeline Gaudreau shared Dec. 29 that their son had arrived. " Tripp Matthew ," she wrote on Instagram , alongside a photo of herself holding the newborn's hand. "Mommy & Daddy’s world." Matthew's wife had announced her pregnancy on social media in June, two months before her husband, a minor league hockey player, and Johnny were fatally struck by a Jeep driver while riding their bikes in New Jersey . "He was born to be a dad," Madeline had said about Matthew at the brothers' memorial service in September. "The moment we found out about our son Tripp, it consumed his every day. He was downloading apps, ordering books, finding the best diaper brand, making sure I had the best vitamins and asking for tips from John." She continued, "I will never forget the tears he had in his eyes when he first heard Tripp’s heartbeat." Madeline gave birth to baby Tripp three weeks after Matthew's 30th birthday. "Happy Birthday to the best husband and father," she wrote on her Instagram Dec. 5. "The moment I met you I instantly knew you were the one. As I celebrate you today (and everyday ) I am more and more in love with you and honored to be your wife." Madeline added, "John better have friends playing all day, double stuff Oreos and a nice glass of whiskey for you. I love you and can’t wait to kiss your face again." A post shared by Madeline Gaudreau (@mogaudreau) In October, Madeline shared photos from her baby shower , which included blue balloons, including one spelling out "Baby Tripp." Among the guests was Johnny's wife Meredith Gaudreau , who had announced her pregnancy with her and the Columbus Blue Jackets left winger's third child at the siblings' memorial. Also in October, the brothers' wives, parents and other family members attended the team's special tribute to the brothers at their season opening game. As a banner bearing Johnny's name and jersey number, 13, was raised, his and Meredith's daughter Noa , 2, was seen pointing up at the rafters at Columbus’ Nationwide Arena. "Thank you to our entire Columbus Blue Jackets family for such a beautiful night celebrating our favorite guy," Meredith, who also shares son Johnny , 10 months, with her late husband, wrote on Instagram after the game. "NWA was our second home as a family and a place I still feel close to John in. I could see in Noa's eyes that she can feel it too."
Season 1 Reloaded is coming to Black Ops 6 this week, and will bring with it a host of new modes, maps, weapons, and perks. Below, we’ll walk you through when season 1 Reloaded releases in Black Ops 6 — broken down by time zone — and what you can expect from this mid-season update. Black Ops 6 season 1 Reloaded release time: When does the new BO6 update launch? Season 1 Reloaded, the mid-season patch for Black Ops 6 ’s first season, will hit the game on Thursday, Dec. 5 . While Treyarch hasn’t announced an official release time for the Reloaded patch, we can extrapolate an imprecise window based on when previous updates — like new maps , as well as events like double XP — have rolled out. With that in mind, here’s when you’ll likely be able to play the mid-season patch based on your time zone: 9-11 a.m. PST for the West Coast of North America 12-2 p.m. EST for the East Coast of North America 5-7 p.m. GMT for the U.K. 6-8 p.m. CET for Western Europe/Paris 2-4 a.m. JST on Dec. 6 for Tokyo We’ll update this guide if and when Treyarch announces a formal release time for the release of season 1 Reloaded. What’s new in Black Ops 6 season 1 Reloaded While not as big as a new season, season 1 Reloaded brings several new maps and a few new modes. Here’s everything Treyarch has announced is coming in season 1’s mid-season update: Hacienda (remastered map) Racket (new map) Nuketown Holiday (variant map) Holiday-themed modes Shrapnel Radar: Undetectable to enemy traps and mines (new slot 3 Recon perk) High Roller: When equipped, this allows the player to have a fourth Scorestreak to earn toward during Core 6v6 multiplayer matches (new Wildcard) Citadelle des Morts (Zombies experience) Ranked Warzone Maelstrom (shotgun event reward) AMR Mod 4 (sniper rifle event reward) Cleaver (melee weapon event reward) Treyarch will expand on each of these new offerings in a blog post closer to the launch of the update. Looking for different modes to try out in Black Ops 6 ? Test out the competitive Ranked Play , but make sure to equip the best guns in your loadout. If competitive modes aren’t your thing, check out the campaign and use our safehouse puzzles and safe code locations guides. Black Ops 6 guides Guides PC PlayStation XboxSullinger leads Kent State past Div. III-Heidelberg 84-80
The Carter administration era opened the floodgates to Miami. President Jimmy Carter’s name is indelibly tied to one of the largest sea exoduses in history, one that shaped Miami for years to come and arguably played a part in his reelection defeat: the Mariel boatlift. Between April and October of 1980, about 125,000 Cubans came to South Florida in boats from Havana’s Port of Mariel, provoking political backlash for Carter, who, in a speech that May, said America would “continue to provide an open heart and open arms to refugees seeking freedom.” His foreign policy left a profound impression in a city where thousands of Cuban, Haitian and Nicaraguan refugees fled from countries that his administration struggled to steer toward democracy — with little success. Carter died on Sunday. He was 100 years old. His years in office were marked by mass migration to the shores of South Florida , the rise of Daniel Ortega in Nicaragua and human rights and constitutional crises elsewhere. Almost half a century later, the failure of the Carter administration to advance democracies in the hemisphere remains a challenge for U.S. policy. “Carter’s record in Latin America was mixed,” said Eric Farnsworth, a former State Department and White House official who leads the Washington office of the Council of the Americas and the Americas Society. “He had some real successes. He was the first to meaningfully put human rights at the center of policy in Latin America. The main challenge is that he seemed to misunderstand the true nature of violent dictatorships. He thought that by engagement and diplomacy, somebody like Fidel Castro might be convinced to change the path of the Cuban dictatorship.” At the beginning of his presidency, in June 1977, Carter, the one-time peanut farmer from Georgia who campaigned on reorienting U.S. foreign policy following the end of the Vietnam War, vowed to put human rights and non-intervention principles at the center while working toward detente with the Soviet Union. But the approach was immediately put to the test by the realities of Latin America and the Caribbean, as the region turned into a Cold War playground, with Cuba playing a central role, and other nations in the hemisphere found themselves rocked by political instability, armed conflicts and repressive dictatorships. Carter would go on to have significant accomplishments in the hemisphere, like the treaty to transfer control of the Panama Canal from the United States to Panamanian authorities. Because he put human rights at the center of his diplomacy, experts also credit him for launching countries like Argentina, Uruguay, Chile and Brazil, all under right-wing dictatorships, on a path toward democratization. But without a regional policy framework, his administration was left to react to a series of crises whose ramifications are still being felt today in South Florida. And “by trying to put human rights at the center of policy in the Western Hemisphere, somehow, the United States ended up being soft on some of the worst human rights abusers in the hemisphere,” Farnsworth said. “Maybe the lesson to be taken there is that human rights can be abused by the left as well as the right,” he added. Engagement with Cuba Despite tensions with Cuba, Carter wanted to lift the U.S. embargo on the island and improve human rights conditions there. He was unable to achieve either, despite his best intentions. Instead, Carter was forced to deal with a mass exodus from Cuba skillfully exploited by Fidel Castro, which many observers believe contributed to his 1980 loss of the presidency against Ronald Reagan, whose landslide victory marked the first time since 1932 that an incumbent president was denied reelection. Early in his presidency, Carter had engaged in direct talks with Castro. In 1978, he was interested in normalizing relations and opening a U.S. Interest Office that could work as a diplomatic mission in Havana. His administration also worked with a group of Cuban Americans who established a dialogue with Castro that resulted in the release of more than 3,000 political prisoners and the reestablishment of family travel. But talks on normalization eventually failed when Castro refused to withdraw his forces fighting in Angola during the African nation’s civil war. The release of Castro’s political prisoners marked an important achievement for Carter’s foreign policies, but it was shortly overshadowed by one of the largest sea migration events in modern U.S. history — the Mariel boatlift. After years of isolation, economic scarcity and lack of political freedoms, discontent spread in Cuba. When a group of Cubans entered the Peruvian embassy in Havana seeking asylum, Castro saw an opportunity to get rid of critics while creating another problem for Carter, whose administration would now face immigration challenges at home. Castro forced exiles in South Florida who had rented boats to pick up their relatives on the island to take other passengers, mostly men, who were criminals or mental health patients. While less than 3,000 migrants were deemed inadmissible by U.S. immigration authorities, the narrative about Mariel and criminal refugees became entangled with national politics and anti-immigrant sentiments. Eventually, the handling of the Mariel boatlift, along with a worsening economy, an energy crisis and the Iranian hostage crisis, became one of the factors that led to Carter’s defeat at the polls. On top of the 125,000 Cubans that came to South Florida, about 25,000 Haitians also arrived in boats in South Florida fleeing the Duvalier dictatorship at home. Declassified State Department documents show that if he had been reelected, Carter intended to lift the U.S. embargo on Cuba. Over the years, he remained an advocate of lifting sanctions but also pushed for human rights and democracy in Cuba. In 2002, he traveled to the island, called for free elections and brought attention to the Varela Project, a plebiscite initiative led by the opposition leader Oswaldo Payá. The visit played out in ways Carter could not foresee. Granted by Castro the unprecedented opportunity to give a speech, televised live nationwide from the University of Havana, Carter spoke of democracy, civil liberties, political prisoners and the Varela Project. He even mentioned the claims disputes over confiscations of U.S. properties after Castro took power in 1959. Many Cubans, especially the younger generation, had never heard of many of the issues before, even less on state television, nor had they seen a foreign leader openly calling Castro to allow for a democratic transition. Viewers were stunned. But while Carter’s words resonated among many, they made Castro even more determined to prevent the plebiscite proposal from posing a risk to his rule. Less than a year later, Castro imprisoned 75 dissidents, many directly involved in the Varela Project. Rise of the Sandinistas Similarly, Carter’s efforts to push the Anastasio Somoza regime to improve its human-rights record and prevent a socialist revolution in Nicaragua failed. When Carter came to office, Nicaragua was already mired in conflict. Somoza’s rule was being challenged by a Marxist guerrilla group supported by Cuba, the Sandinista National Liberation Front. After one of its attacks, Somoza ordered a fierce crackdown, and Carter cut off aid to Nicaragua. The Nicaraguan ruler lifted the state of siege to restart the flow of U.S.. aid, but the Sandinistas took the opportunity to launch new attacks. Various attempts by Carter to seek a mediated solution to the conflict collapsed. When Somoza refused such plan in January 1979, Carter ended military assistance to the Nicaragua National Guard. The Sandinistas took power just a few months later under the leadership of Ortega and quickly declared a state of emergency, abolished the constitution and began confiscating private property. Tens of thousands of Nicaraguans fled to South Florida. Many years later, in 2006, Carter was in Nicaragua to monitor elections in which Ortega was set to win the presidential elections. At the time, Carter told Reuters that he thought Ortega had changed. “His demeanor, his approach and his public statements are radically different from what I knew in the ‘80s,” Carter told Reuters. Ortega is still in power as the head of one of the most repressive regimes in the hemisphere. Haiti and human rights In Haiti, Carter faced a dilemma he had wrestled with several times: He wanted to support friendly governments but found their resistance to peace and democracy challenging his push on human rights. When Carter came into office, he inherited a U.S. ally in Haiti, President-for-Life Jean-Claude “Baby Doc” Duvalier, the son of the country’s former dictator, Francois “Papa Doc” Duvalier. The Carter administration continued to provide assistance and Haiti was receiving about $41 million despite its sordid human rights record. That support led to increased criticism of U.S. policy as critics of the Duvalier regime accused it of exploiting the aid to tighten its hold on the country. They also pointed out that Haitians were increasingly fleeing on boats only to be turned away by the U.S. and denied legal status if they made it onto land. Eventually, Haitian refugees found reprieve under the Carter administration. They were treated the same as Cubans and considered refugees with the establishment of the Cuban-Haitian Entrant Program in June 1980. The program granted temporary status and access to asylum processing and assistance to fleeing Cubans and Haitians. A different world? Despite the setbacks during Carter’s presidency, Andrew Young, the administration’s ambassador to the United Nations, believes that had Carter won a second term, the world would be a far different place. A few months into the job, Young arrived in Haiti with a list of political prisoners given to him by Haitians and others and asked for a private meeting with the young Haitian dictator, who was then 26 years old. “I went back to his office, took this list out of my pocket, and said, ‘I don’t know who’s on here, but friends of mine say that these people have been unjustly convicted,” Young said. “I said there are many other places in the world that are far worse than Haiti. But they don’t get the publicity you get because they’re not as close to the United States,” Young added. “I said it would really do Haiti good, and it would help me and the people in jail if you could find a way to do whatever you think is right.” On Sept. 21, 1977, months after the visit, 106 Haitian political prisoners were released, including Robert “Boby” Duval, a well-known soccer player who told the Miami Herald in 2008 that Carter saved him from death after he had spent eight months imprisoned on the grounds of the presidential palace where prisoners were being hogtied, beaten and tortured. While his record in Latin America and the Caribbean has detractors, few question Carter’s values and intentions. His time in office coincided with a difficult time in history, in some ways bearing similarity with current international affairs. Scrutiny over his legacy might help to get some answers for today’s world. “Carter, I believe his heart was truly in the right place,” Farnsworth said. “He truly wanted to make peace. ... He wanted to reevaluate the traditional U.S. posture in the region, trying to reduce the tensions of the Cold War. Those are laudatory goals. But the question is, did that desire, at some point, overwhelm the ugly reality of what was possible in the region at the time? I think that’s the question that historians will have to answer.” ©2024 Miami Herald. Visit miamiherald.com . Distributed by Tribune Content Agency, LLC.The designer who created the Australian Broadcasting Corporation’s “Lissajous” logo – inspired by broadcast vibrations – seems to have had some insight into the cycle of birth, death and recrimination through which the ABC is doomed to cycle. The logo is reminiscent of an ouroboros – a snake-like creature with its tail in its mouth, representing birth, death and renewal – but twisted into tortuous knots. Or perhaps an infinity symbol with an extra loop of infinity tacked on. We must be on the third arc of infinity this year, a time of especial drama before the swooping logo enters another valley of lassitude. An unusually high number of producers and journalists are retiring or being retired. The process is supposed to set the scene for renewal. But the question, as always, is how to introduce renewal into a closed system. Kim Williams (right) might do well to find journalists who are curious enough to tune into Joe Rogan. Credit: Digitally altered image. Artwork: Marija Ercegovac. Conservatives like to call for the ABC to be defunded. That’s a defeatist approach. The ABC is a powerful tool of social cohesion and new migrant integration. It’s given generations a shared cultural point of reference. From Playschool to Bluey , the ABC gives Australian children something in common regardless of their cultural backgrounds. Flagship current affairs shows once drove national conversations. When the majority of the population consumes the same entertainment and news, it creates a sense of nationhood. The worst sin of the ABC is, therefore, not that it is biased. It is that it has become so dull it is no longer worth tuning into. Chairman Kim Williams is focused on the need for objectivity, but emphasising journalistic dispassion is only part of the solution. With the exception of a small number of programs, most relegated to minor time slots and barely promoted, the ABC has become incurious. Topics covered by the ABC’s flagship shows have been narrowing and perspectives on the remaining topics are predictable. Politicians deliver their talking points. A narrow range of experts delivers a narrow range of perspectives (somehow the ethnic and gender diversity emphasised by the ABC never seems to equate to a wider range of ideas). Advocates call for more government funding. The presenters sigh sympathetically. I sigh in frustration. The formula is tiresome. Australians, including this long-time loyal listener and viewer, switch off. Predictability is not a failing unique to the ABC. A range of other media outlets specialise in serving their audiences a diaphanous sliver of current affairs, carefully selected to support existing prejudices. If you’ve ever seen a journalist’s byline and the title of an article and felt the thrill of anticipation for a take with which you know you’ll thoroughly agree, you’ve been paddling in the warm yellow waters of subscriber self-satisfaction. That’s the subscribers’ prerogative, should they choose to seek it out. It’s simply a commercial reality that many people only want to pay for media that tells them what they already believe. No particular political tribe is more prone to this than another; indeed, it’s just another manifestation of the many ways in which the left-right political paradigm has become obsolete. Open-mindedness and close-mindedness are now better descriptors of behaviours and traits than conservative or progressive. Leave subscribers to make their own choices; the ABC has no business contributing to the closing of the Australian mind. Its mission is not commercial but patriotic, as Kim Williams styled it. Australians have a “sense of ownership” over the broadcaster, as Laura Tingle said in introducing the chairman’s National Press Club address. Too right. We do actually own it, and we pay for its upkeep and operations. As such, it is the responsibility of the ABC to reject the narrowness into which a subscription model can stray. There is reason to believe that opening the ABC’s ideas horizon would also reverse the audience decline. At the same time our national broadcaster is losing its audience, some international journalists and podcasters are gaining huge followings. They have, as they say, “one neat trick” in common. One is the wildly popular Welsh-American journalist Jon Ronson , who came to Australia at the end of November. His show focused on his famous book The Psychopath Test , first published in 2011. Ronson spoke to full auditoriums about this piece of exceptional long-form journalism. He would no doubt also have filled halls if he’d been talking about his book Them: Adventures with Extremists , a fascinating exploration of conspiracy theories and theorists, first published in 2001. Ronson’s trademark is an obsession with finding out about interesting things and asking open-ended questions – virtues once highly valued in journalists. He strikes a flint of curiosity in his audiences as he seeks to satisfy his own. If Kim Williams were to become audience member “three-billion-and-one” of The Joe Rogan Experience – as he resolutely declared he would not do at the National Press Club – he would discover that curiosity is also Rogan’s model. Rogan, who enjoys the world’s biggest podcast audience, is widely trashed and dismissed by those who have never taken the three hours it requires to listen to a full episode. But Rogan interviews interesting and powerful figures, asking them for their thoughts on topics, then exploring the logical contradictions in a way that allows them to further elaborate on their thinking. If he has a fascination with conspiracy theories, he is no more dogmatic about them than Ronson was in Them . The ABC does have one show that follows a similar model to Ronson and Rogan – Annabel Crabb’s Kitchen Cabinet . Crabb doesn’t seek to outsmart her subjects or to put words in their mouths. She has a knack for asking questions that encourage them to reveal themselves and – refreshingly for politicians – they do. The magic is not just objectivity but openness. This is what the ABC needs more of. The ouroboros has an unfortunate habit of swallowing its own output. If Williams wants the broadcaster to regain audiences, he’s going to need to look for journalists who break the cycle. Perhaps those who, whether or not they personally agree with Joe Rogan and his guests, have listened to The Joe Rogan Experience . Just because they are curious. Parnell Palme McGuinness is managing director at campaigns firm Agenda C. She has done work for the Liberal Party and the German Greens.
From Astro Bot to Prince of Persia: 15 best video games of 2024TRM Labs strengthens its commitment to US Federal customers with FedRAMP High authorization, paving the way for enhanced security and compliance for blockchain intelligence in partnership with Palantir Technologies Inc. (NASDAQ:PLTR). SAN FRANCISCO, Dec. 17, 2024 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) -- TRM Labs, the leader in blockchain intelligence, today announced achieving FedRAMP High authorization and is now listed on the FedRAMP Marketplace under PFCS-SS. This milestone demonstrates TRM Labs' commitment to delivering the highest standards of security, compliance, and performance to federal agencies as they combat the evolving threat landscape. The Federal Risk and Authorization Management Program (FedRAMP) establishes rigorous security and compliance standards for cloud service providers to protect federal data. With this High designation, TRM Labs meets the most stringent security requirements, enabling federal agencies to leverage its blockchain intelligence tools for mission-critical operations in a secure environment. "Achieving a FedRAMP High authorization reflects our commitment to providing federal agencies with the most secure and reliable blockchain intelligence available,” said Esteban Castaño, Chief Executive Officer of TRM Labs. "This milestone enables us to support government partners in navigating the digital asset ecosystem securely while helping them achieve their mission.” With this designation, TRM Labs joins a select group of FedRAMP-authorized companies approved to deliver cloud software to government organizations. Federal customers can now access TRM's blockchain intelligence platform in a secure FedRAMP High cloud environment, ensuring compliance with rigorous data security, integrity, and monitoring standards. "By achieving this important milestone, TRM Labs further solidifies its position as a trusted partner for federal agencies in the fight against fraud, financial crime, and cyber threats. We are committed to providing a white-glove migration experience, ensuring your teams can achieve compliance quickly so you can continue to focus on your mission,” said Rahul Raina, Chief Technology Officer of TRM Labs. TRM Labs' blockchain intelligence platform is available under the listing for Palantir Federal Cloud Service listed on the FedRAMP Marketplace under PFCS-SS . For more information, email: [email protected] . About TRM Labs TRM Labs provides blockchain intelligence to help government agencies investigate and build cases for digital asset fraud and financial crime. TRM's blockchain intelligence platform includes solutions to follow the money, identify illicit actors, build cases, and construct an operating picture of threats. TRM is trusted by a growing number of leading agencies worldwide who rely on TRM for their blockchain intelligence needs. TRM is based in San Francisco, CA, and is hiring across engineering, product, sales, and data science. To learn more, visit www.trmlabs.com .
Jim Harbaugh and Chargers focused on accomplishing more after wrapping up playoff berthJonah Goldberg: What if most Americans aren't bitterly divided?28 Years Later , the long-awaited sequel to the zombie classics 28 Days Later and 28 Weeks Later , shared its brief and cryptic first teaser Saturday. The 13-second clip was uploaded on the film’s official social accounts without any other details. During the teaser, brief images of red skulls, mutilated (zombie?) corpses, and a mysterious island are shown, while Morse Code spells out the word “Tuesday,” suggesting a longer look at the sequel is forthcoming. According to the Hollywood Reporter , the island shown in the teaser has been identified as Lindisfarne in Northumberland along the northeast coast of England, hinting that the film takes place in the remote location. “Sometime after the events of 28 Weeks Later , the Rage Virus has returned, and a group of survivors must survive in a world ravaged by hordes of the infected,” Sony Pictures Entertainment previously said of the film, which arrives 23 years after the original and 18 years after its first sequel. As previously reported , 28 Years Later will reunite 28 Days Later ’s director Danny Boyle and screenwriter Alex Garland, as well as those films’ (now-Oscar-winning) star Cillian Murphy , who will lead a cast that includes Aaron Taylor-Johnson, Jodie Comer, Ralph Fiennes, Jack O’Connell, and Erin Kellyman. The film arrives June 20, 2025. Earlier this year, when Boyle first revealed plans to revive the long-gestating project, the director also said 28 Years Later would serve as the first installment of a planned trilogy, with Garland penning all three scripts. In February, Murphy spoke to Variety about his eagerness to return to the post-apocalyptic world of 28 Days Later in some capacity. “I’ve always said I would love to be involved because that movie changed everything for me and I have great affection for it and for those guys Alex [Garland] and Danny [Boyle],” Murphy said. “I never watch my own films, except that one. It’s always on around Halloween and during the pandemic people were constantly sending me clips. And I’ve shown it to my kids. And it’s really stood up, even though it’s something like 23 years old now. So I’m really thrilled that we’ll get the band back together to makes this one.”
Connecticut Sun fans will have one chance to see Caitlin Clark and the Indiana Fever play at Mohegan Sun Arena next season. The other ‘home’ game will be in Boston. The 2025 WNBA regular season schedule was released on Monday, and the Sun announced that the team’s July 15 game against the Fever will take place at TD Garden in Boston, where the franchise hosted the first-ever WNBA game in that city this past season. Clark and the Fever will play at Mohegan Sun Arena on August 17, and twice in Indiana, on May 30 and June 17. The Sun sold out TD Garden , home to the Boston Celtics and Bruins, last season for a game against the Los Angeles Sparks. The announced attendance of 19,156 was hailed as the highest in franchise history. The Sun said presale tickets for the game against the Fever in Boston this season will be on sale exclusively on the Connecticut Sun mobile app, and tickets for all regular season games will be available on Ticketmaster at a date to be announced. The 2025 WNBA season will feature a league-record 44 games from mid-May through early September. The Sun will tip off the season on Sunday, May 18 at 1 p.m. against the Washington Mystics at Mohegan Sun Arena. The team’s annual Camp Day game will be held Wednesday, July 9 at 11 a.m. against the Seattle Storm. Sun 2025 Opponent Breakdown: Atlanta Dream: Home: June 6, September 1, September 10; Away: May 25, September 8 Chicago Sky: Home: June 15, August 13; Away: August 23, September 3 Dallas Wings: Home: May 27, June 20; Away: August 27 Golden State Valkyries: Home: July 27; Away: June 22, August 11 Indiana Fever: Home: July 15*, August 17; Away: May 30, June 17 Las Vegas Aces: Home: May 20, July 6; Away: June 25, August 10 Los Angeles Sparks: Home: July 24; Away: July 13, August 7 Minnesota Lynx: Home: August 30; Away: May 23, June 29 New York Liberty: Home: August 1, August 3; Away: June 1, August 25 Phoenix Mercury: Home: June 18, September 6; Away: August 5 Seattle Storm: Home: July 9, July 28; Away: June 27, July 11 Washington Mystics: Home: May 18, August 21; Away: June 8, August 19 *Game to be played at TD Garden.
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