lol646 download ios apk Analysis: Protecting QBs from violent late hits like the one that leveled Trevor Lawrence isn't easyIsrael launches new strikes on Lebanon as leaders draw closer to ceasefire with Hezbollah

Shares of Invesco BulletShares 2025 Corporate Bond ETF ( NASDAQ:BSCP – Get Free Report ) saw unusually-high trading volume on Friday . Approximately 2,348,795 shares traded hands during trading, an increase of 180% from the previous session’s volume of 837,448 shares.The stock last traded at $20.65 and had previously closed at $20.64. Invesco BulletShares 2025 Corporate Bond ETF Stock Up 0.0 % The firm has a 50 day simple moving average of $20.65 and a 200-day simple moving average of $20.60. Invesco BulletShares 2025 Corporate Bond ETF Cuts Dividend The company also recently disclosed a dividend, which was paid on Friday, December 27th. Investors of record on Monday, December 23rd were paid a dividend of $0.0697 per share. The ex-dividend date was Monday, December 23rd. Institutional Investors Weigh In On Invesco BulletShares 2025 Corporate Bond ETF Invesco BulletShares 2025 Corporate Bond ETF Company Profile ( Get Free Report ) The Invesco Bulletshares 2025 Corporate Bond ETF (BSCP) is an exchange-traded fund that mostly invests in investment grade fixed income. The fund tracks an index of investment-grade corporate bonds with effective maturities in 2025. The fund will unwind in December 2025 and return capital and proceeds to investors. Further Reading Receive News & Ratings for Invesco BulletShares 2025 Corporate Bond ETF Daily - Enter your email address below to receive a concise daily summary of the latest news and analysts' ratings for Invesco BulletShares 2025 Corporate Bond ETF and related companies with MarketBeat.com's FREE daily email newsletter .

Less than a decade later, the death of his father and namesake, a merchant farmer and local politician who went by “Mr. Earl,” prompted the submariner and his wife, Rosalynn, to return to the rural life of Plains, Georgia, they thought they’d escaped. The lieutenant never would be an admiral. Instead, he became commander in chief. Years after his presidency ended in humbling defeat, he would add a Nobel Peace Prize, awarded not for his White House accomplishments but “for his decades of untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” The life of James Earl Carter Jr., the 39th and longest-lived U.S. president, ended Sunday at the age of 100 where it began: Plains, the town of 600 that fueled his political rise, welcomed him after his fall and sustained him during 40 years of service that redefined what it means to be a former president. With the stubborn confidence of an engineer and an optimism rooted in his Baptist faith, Carter described his motivations in politics and beyond in the same way: an almost missionary zeal to solve problems and improve lives. Carter was raised amid racism, abject poverty and hard rural living — realities that shaped both his deliberate politics and emphasis on human rights. “He always felt a responsibility to help people,” said Jill Stuckey, a longtime friend of Carter's in Plains. “And when he couldn’t make change wherever he was, he decided he had to go higher.” Carter's path, a mix of happenstance and calculation , pitted moral imperatives against political pragmatism; and it defied typical labels of American politics, especially caricatures of one-term presidents as failures. “We shouldn’t judge presidents by how popular they are in their day. That's a very narrow way of assessing them," Carter biographer Jonathan Alter told the Associated Press. “We should judge them by how they changed the country and the world for the better. On that score, Jimmy Carter is not in the first rank of American presidents, but he stands up quite well.” Later in life, Carter conceded that many Americans, even those too young to remember his tenure, judged him ineffective for failing to contain inflation or interest rates, end the energy crisis or quickly bring home American hostages in Iran. He gained admirers instead for his work at The Carter Center — advocating globally for public health, human rights and democracy since 1982 — and the decades he and Rosalynn wore hardhats and swung hammers with Habitat for Humanity. Yet the common view that he was better after the Oval Office than in it annoyed Carter, and his allies relished him living long enough to see historians reassess his presidency. “He doesn’t quite fit in today’s terms” of a left-right, red-blue scoreboard, said U.S. Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg, who visited the former president multiple times during his own White House bid. At various points in his political career, Carter labeled himself “progressive” or “conservative” — sometimes both at once. His most ambitious health care bill failed — perhaps one of his biggest legislative disappointments — because it didn’t go far enough to suit liberals. Republicans, especially after his 1980 defeat, cast him as a left-wing cartoon. It would be easiest to classify Carter as a centrist, Buttigieg said, “but there’s also something radical about the depth of his commitment to looking after those who are left out of society and out of the economy.” Indeed, Carter’s legacy is stitched with complexities, contradictions and evolutions — personal and political. The self-styled peacemaker was a war-trained Naval Academy graduate who promised Democratic challenger Ted Kennedy that he’d “kick his ass.” But he campaigned with a call to treat everyone with “respect and compassion and with love.” Carter vowed to restore America’s virtue after the shame of Vietnam and Watergate, and his technocratic, good-government approach didn't suit Republicans who tagged government itself as the problem. It also sometimes put Carter at odds with fellow Democrats. The result still was a notable legislative record, with wins on the environment, education, and mental health care. He dramatically expanded federally protected lands, began deregulating air travel, railroads and trucking, and he put human rights at the center of U.S. foreign policy. As a fiscal hawk, Carter added a relative pittance to the national debt, unlike successors from both parties. Carter nonetheless struggled to make his achievements resonate with the electorate he charmed in 1976. Quoting Bob Dylan and grinning enthusiastically, he had promised voters he would “never tell a lie.” Once in Washington, though, he led like a joyless engineer, insisting his ideas would become reality and he'd be rewarded politically if only he could convince enough people with facts and logic. This served him well at Camp David, where he brokered peace between Israel’s Menachem Begin and Epypt’s Anwar Sadat, an experience that later sparked the idea of The Carter Center in Atlanta. Carter's tenacity helped the center grow to a global force that monitored elections across five continents, enabled his freelance diplomacy and sent public health experts across the developing world. The center’s wins were personal for Carter, who hoped to outlive the last Guinea worm parasite, and nearly did. As president, though, the approach fell short when he urged consumers beleaguered by energy costs to turn down their thermostats. Or when he tried to be the nation’s cheerleader, beseeching Americans to overcome a collective “crisis of confidence.” Republican Ronald Reagan exploited Carter's lecturing tone with a belittling quip in their lone 1980 debate. “There you go again,” the former Hollywood actor said in response to a wonky answer from the sitting president. “The Great Communicator” outpaced Carter in all but six states. Carter later suggested he “tried to do too much, too soon” and mused that he was incompatible with Washington culture: media figures, lobbyists and Georgetown social elites who looked down on the Georgians and their inner circle as “country come to town.” Carter carefully navigated divides on race and class on his way to the Oval Office. Born Oct. 1, 1924 , Carter was raised in the mostly Black community of Archery, just outside Plains, by a progressive mother and white supremacist father. Their home had no running water or electricity but the future president still grew up with the relative advantages of a locally prominent, land-owning family in a system of Jim Crow segregation. He wrote of President Franklin Roosevelt’s towering presence and his family’s Democratic Party roots, but his father soured on FDR, and Jimmy Carter never campaigned or governed as a New Deal liberal. He offered himself as a small-town peanut farmer with an understated style, carrying his own luggage, bunking with supporters during his first presidential campaign and always using his nickname. And he began his political career in a whites-only Democratic Party. As private citizens, he and Rosalynn supported integration as early as the 1950s and believed it inevitable. Carter refused to join the White Citizens Council in Plains and spoke out in his Baptist church against denying Black people access to worship services. “This is not my house; this is not your house,” he said in a churchwide meeting, reminding fellow parishioners their sanctuary belonged to God. Yet as the appointed chairman of Sumter County schools he never pushed to desegregate, thinking it impractical after the Supreme Court’s 1954 Brown v. Board decision. And while presidential candidate Carter would hail the 1965 Voting Rights Act, signed by fellow Democrat Lyndon Johnson when Carter was a state senator, there is no record of Carter publicly supporting it at the time. Carter overcame a ballot-stuffing opponent to win his legislative seat, then lost the 1966 governor's race to an arch-segregationist. He won four years later by avoiding explicit mentions of race and campaigning to the right of his rival, who he mocked as “Cufflinks Carl” — the insult of an ascendant politician who never saw himself as part the establishment. Carter’s rural and small-town coalition in 1970 would match any victorious Republican electoral map in 2024. Once elected, though, Carter shocked his white conservative supporters — and landed on the cover of Time magazine — by declaring that “the time for racial discrimination is over.” Before making the jump to Washington, Carter befriended the family of slain civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr., whom he’d never sought out as he eyed the governor’s office. Carter lamented his foot-dragging on school integration as a “mistake.” But he also met, conspicuously, with Alabama's segregationist Gov. George Wallace to accept his primary rival's endorsement ahead of the 1976 Democratic convention. “He very shrewdly took advantage of his own Southerness,” said Amber Roessner, a University of Tennessee professor and expert on Carter’s campaigns. A coalition of Black voters and white moderate Democrats ultimately made Carter the last Democratic presidential nominee to sweep the Deep South. Then, just as he did in Georgia, he used his power in office to appoint more non-whites than all his predecessors had, combined. He once acknowledged “the secret shame” of white Americans who didn’t fight segregation. But he also told Alter that doing more would have sacrificed his political viability – and thus everything he accomplished in office and after. King's daughter, Bernice King, described Carter as wisely “strategic” in winning higher offices to enact change. “He was a leader of conscience,” she said in an interview. Rosalynn Carter, who died on Nov. 19 at the age of 96, was identified by both husband and wife as the “more political” of the pair; she sat in on Cabinet meetings and urged him to postpone certain priorities, like pressing the Senate to relinquish control of the Panama Canal. “Let that go until the second term,” she would sometimes say. The president, recalled her former aide Kathy Cade, retorted that he was “going to do what’s right” even if “it might cut short the time I have.” Rosalynn held firm, Cade said: “She’d remind him you have to win to govern.” Carter also was the first president to appoint multiple women as Cabinet officers. Yet by his own telling, his career sprouted from chauvinism in the Carters' early marriage: He did not consult Rosalynn when deciding to move back to Plains in 1953 or before launching his state Senate bid a decade later. Many years later, he called it “inconceivable” that he didn’t confer with the woman he described as his “full partner,” at home, in government and at The Carter Center. “We developed a partnership when we were working in the farm supply business, and it continued when Jimmy got involved in politics,” Rosalynn Carter told AP in 2021. So deep was their trust that when Carter remained tethered to the White House in 1980 as 52 Americans were held hostage in Tehran, it was Rosalynn who campaigned on her husband’s behalf. “I just loved it,” she said, despite the bitterness of defeat. Fair or not, the label of a disastrous presidency had leading Democrats keep their distance, at least publicly, for many years, but Carter managed to remain relevant, writing books and weighing in on societal challenges. He lamented widening wealth gaps and the influence of money in politics. He voted for democratic socialist Bernie Sanders over Hillary Clinton in 2016, and later declared that America had devolved from fully functioning democracy to “oligarchy.” Yet looking ahead to 2020, with Sanders running again, Carter warned Democrats not to “move to a very liberal program,” lest they help re-elect President Donald Trump. Carter scolded the Republican for his serial lies and threats to democracy, and chided the U.S. establishment for misunderstanding Trump’s populist appeal. He delighted in yearly convocations with Emory University freshmen, often asking them to guess how much he’d raised in his two general election campaigns. “Zero,” he’d gesture with a smile, explaining the public financing system candidates now avoid so they can raise billions. Carter still remained quite practical in partnering with wealthy corporations and foundations to advance Carter Center programs. Carter recognized that economic woes and the Iran crisis doomed his presidency, but offered no apologies for appointing Paul Volcker as the Federal Reserve chairman whose interest rate hikes would not curb inflation until Reagan's presidency. He was proud of getting all the hostages home without starting a shooting war, even though Tehran would not free them until Reagan's Inauguration Day. “Carter didn’t look at it” as a failure, Alter emphasized. “He said, ‘They came home safely.’ And that’s what he wanted.” Well into their 90s, the Carters greeted visitors at Plains’ Maranatha Baptist Church, where he taught Sunday School and where he will have his last funeral before being buried on family property alongside Rosalynn . Carter, who made the congregation’s collection plates in his woodworking shop, still garnered headlines there, calling for women’s rights within religious institutions, many of which, he said, “subjugate” women in church and society. Carter was not one to dwell on regrets. “I am at peace with the accomplishments, regret the unrealized goals and utilize my former political position to enhance everything we do,” he wrote around his 90th birthday. The politician who had supposedly hated Washington politics also enjoyed hosting Democratic presidential contenders as public pilgrimages to Plains became advantageous again. Carter sat with Buttigieg for the final time March 1, 2020, hours before the Indiana mayor ended his campaign and endorsed eventual winner Joe Biden. “He asked me how I thought the campaign was going,” Buttigieg said, recalling that Carter flashed his signature grin and nodded along as the young candidate, born a year after Carter left office, “put the best face” on the walloping he endured the day before in South Carolina. Never breaking his smile, the 95-year-old host fired back, “I think you ought to drop out.” “So matter of fact,” Buttigieg said with a laugh. “It was somehow encouraging.” Carter had lived enough, won plenty and lost enough to take the long view. “He talked a lot about coming from nowhere,” Buttigieg said, not just to attain the presidency but to leverage “all of the instruments you have in life” and “make the world more peaceful.” In his farewell address as president, Carter said as much to the country that had embraced and rejected him. “The struggle for human rights overrides all differences of color, nation or language,” he declared. “Those who hunger for freedom, who thirst for human dignity and who suffer for the sake of justice — they are the patriots of this cause.” Carter pledged to remain engaged with and for them as he returned “home to the South where I was born and raised,” home to Plains, where that young lieutenant had indeed become “a fellow citizen of the world.” —- Bill Barrow, based in Atlanta, has covered national politics including multiple presidential campaigns for the AP since 2012.Analysis: Protecting QBs from violent late hits like the one that leveled Trevor Lawrence isn't easy

REVEALED! Inside multibillion deal that cost Rusa KCCA top job"Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit, sed do eiusmod tempor incididunt ut labore et dolore magna aliqua. Ut enim ad minim veniam, quis nostrud exercitation ullamco laboris nisi ut aliquip ex ea commodo consequat. Duis aute irure dolor in reprehenderit in voluptate velit esse cillum dolore eu fugiat nulla pariatur. Excepteur sint occaecat cupidatat non proident, sunt in culpa qui officia deserunt mollit anim id est laborum." Section 1.10.32 of "de Finibus Bonorum et Malorum", written by Cicero in 45 BC "Sed ut perspiciatis unde omnis iste natus error sit voluptatem accusantium doloremque laudantium, totam rem aperiam, eaque ipsa quae ab illo inventore veritatis et quasi architecto beatae vitae dicta sunt explicabo. Nemo enim ipsam voluptatem quia voluptas sit aspernatur aut odit aut fugit, sed quia consequuntur magni dolores eos qui ratione voluptatem sequi nesciunt. Neque porro quisquam est, qui dolorem ipsum quia dolor sit amet, consectetur, adipisci velit, sed quia non numquam eius modi tempora incidunt ut labore et dolore magnam aliquam quaerat voluptatem. Ut enim ad minima veniam, quis nostrum exercitationem ullam corporis suscipit laboriosam, nisi ut aliquid ex ea commodi consequatur? Quis autem vel eum iure reprehenderit qui in ea voluptate velit esse quam nihil molestiae consequatur, vel illum qui dolorem eum fugiat quo voluptas nulla pariatur?" 1914 translation by H. Rackham "But I must explain to you how all this mistaken idea of denouncing pleasure and praising pain was born and I will give you a complete account of the system, and expound the actual teachings of the great explorer of the truth, the master-builder of human happiness. No one rejects, dislikes, or avoids pleasure itself, because it is pleasure, but because those who do not know how to pursue pleasure rationally encounter consequences that are extremely painful. Nor again is there anyone who loves or pursues or desires to obtain pain of itself, because it is pain, but because occasionally circumstances occur in which toil and pain can procure him some great pleasure. To take a trivial example, which of us ever undertakes laborious physical exercise, except to obtain some advantage from it? But who has any right to find fault with a man who chooses to enjoy a pleasure that has no annoying consequences, or one who avoids a pain that produces no resultant pleasure?" 1914 translation by H. Rackham "But I must explain to you how all this mistaken idea of denouncing pleasure and praising pain was born and I will give you a complete account of the system, and expound the actual teachings of the great explorer of the truth, the master-builder of human happiness. No one rejects, dislikes, or avoids pleasure itself, because it is pleasure, but because those who do not know how to pursue pleasure rationally encounter consequences that are extremely painful. Nor again is there anyone who loves or pursues or desires to obtain pain of itself, because it is pain, but because occasionally circumstances occur in which toil and pain can procure him some great pleasure. To take a trivial example, which of us ever undertakes laborious physical exercise, except to obtain some advantage from it? But who has any right to find fault with a man who chooses to enjoy a pleasure that has no annoying consequences, or one who avoids a pain that produces no resultant pleasure?" To keep reading, please log in to your account, create a free account, or simply fill out the form below.

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Yankees land closer Devin Williams in trade with Brewers, ship out Nestor Cortes, Caleb Durbin

DNY59 This article is part of a series that provides an ongoing analysis of the changes made to Ruane, Cunniff & Goldfarb’s 13F portfolio on a quarterly basis. It is based on their regulatory 13F Form filed on 11/14/2024. Please Analyst’s Disclosure: I/we have a beneficial long position in the shares of GOOGL, META either through stock ownership, options, or other derivatives. I wrote this article myself, and it expresses my own opinions. I am not receiving compensation for it (other than from Seeking Alpha). I have no business relationship with any company whose stock is mentioned in this article. Seeking Alpha's Disclosure: Past performance is no guarantee of future results. No recommendation or advice is being given as to whether any investment is suitable for a particular investor. Any views or opinions expressed above may not reflect those of Seeking Alpha as a whole. Seeking Alpha is not a licensed securities dealer, broker or US investment adviser or investment bank. Our analysts are third party authors that include both professional investors and individual investors who may not be licensed or certified by any institute or regulatory body.

Frankly Speaking: Will President Trump be able to end the wars in Gaza and Ukraine?

LeBron James and Anthony Davis might not be the only former top overall picks on the Los Angeles Lakers’ roster for long. Lakers writer Anthony Irwin of ClutchPoints reported Friday that the team has had internal discussions about adding veteran guard Markelle Fultz. The 26-year-old Fultz remains an unsigned free agent after spending the last five NBA seasons with the Orlando Magic. Fultz was the No. 1 overall pick in the 2017 NBA Draft by the Philadelphia 76ers (over later lottery picks such as Jayson Tatum, De’Aaron Fox, Lauri Markkanen, Donovan Mitchell, and Bam Adebayo). But he is universally seen as a bust, having averaged just 7.7 points per game on 41.4 percent shooting for the 76ers before being traded less than two years after he was drafted. Fultz’s Philly tenure was also marred by an ugly and bizarre saga with his jump-shooting form . The former University of Washington star Fultz did manage to rebuild his reputation some though in a lower-stress environment in Orlando, posting 14.0 points, 5.7 assists, and 1.5 steals per game in the 2022-23 campaign. With the Lakers getting next to nothing from their backup point guard Gabe Vincent, Fultz could have some appeal for them. But it could require much more ( such as a trade for this rumored target ) for the Lakers to turn around their mediocre 13-11 season. This article first appeared on Larry Brown Sports and was syndicated with permission.Opinion: 5 common misconceptions about women and entrepreneurshipWorld to spend $26B on IDV checks by 2029: Juniper55 Sick Finds Under $30 for Your Home on Amazon That Are Pure Genius

Analysis: Protecting QBs from violent late hits like the one that leveled Trevor Lawrence isn't easy

Article content Even after how long electric cars have been on the market, some still who turn up their noses because there’s no way they’re a match for performance gasoline vehicles. And so, I give you the 2025 Audi A6 e-tron and S6 e-tron. In this world of sport-utilities, there is still room for a sedan – actually a Sportback, as Audi calls it, because the trunk lid is hinged above the rear window; and in this case, there’s room for this handsome sedan that drives as good as it looks, even if there’s no chance of pumping in some gas. First, its name. As Audi increasingly moves forward into electrification, “A” still means a car and “Q” an SUV, but now even numbers indicate electric, while odd numbers are gasoline. While both the A6 e-tron and the current petrol-powered A6 will initially be available, the plan is for that A6 to eventually wear an A7 badge. What powers the 2025 Audi A6 e-tron? As with all of Audi’s all-new models, the A6 e-tron rides the automaker’s equally-new Premium Platform Electric (PPE). It uses a newly-developed lithium-ion battery with 100-kWh gross capacity and 94.9-kWh net; and with 800-volt architecture and DC fast-charging capacity of up to 270 kW. Globally, the A6 e-tron will be offered in four versions. Two will be rear-wheel-drive only, including a smaller-battery entry model, but we won’t be seeing either of those in Canada. There’s also an Avant wagon, which we won’t get either. Instead, we’ll get the two models with standard all-wheel drive (AWD), which Audi calls Quattro . Our A6 e-tron uses two electric motors, making a combined 422 horsepower and up to 455 horses during launch control. Top speed is 210 km/h, and acceleration from stop to 100 km/h takes 4.5 seconds. The performance S6 e-tron’s two electric motors bump the output to 496 horsepower, with 543 hp available in launch control. Top speed is governed to 240 km/h, and reaching 1o0 km/h should take 3.9 seconds. Neither has been rated by Natural Resources Canada (NRCan) for range, but in European testing – which isn’t necessarily the same as ours, but for reference – the A6 e-tron is rated for 716 km on a charge, and the S6 e-tron at 675 km. What’s the Audi S6 e-tron like to drive? This was a global first-drive event, and the only model there destined for Canada was the S6 e-tron, so I got in it first. The roads ahead were mostly hairpin-turn up a volcano, which gave this car an opportunity to shine. The S6 e-tron is deliciously fun to drive; it’s exceptionally fast but never feels so overpowered that it’s a chore to pilot it. The Quattro system favours the rear wheels – the front motor produces 202 lb-ft of torque, while the rear unit churns out 427 lb-ft. An air suspension is standard on the S6, optional on the A6, and the ride is luxury-car smooth and composed. Audi’s engineers worked to really differentiate the drive modes, and they succeeded, if perhaps to a fault. The progressive steering is beautifully weighted and with great feedback in Dynamic mode, and exactly right for the mountain curves. The switch over to Comfort mode was not; the steering became too light and vague. For everyday commuting, the Balanced mode isn’t quite as quick as the sportiest setting but with great connection to the road. The car uses regenerative braking, capturing and storing otherwise wasted energy during deceleration. To keep everything composed and balanced, the two braking systems work progressively on each end of the car. When you take your foot off the accelerator, the regenerative system first slows the rear wheels, and then the front ones. If you then press the brake pedal, the hydraulic brakes first slow the front discs, and then squeeze the rear ones. The regenerative level can be increased to the point of one-pedal driving, where it brings the car to a stop without using the hydraulic brakes. The no-brake braking added extra fun to the mountain switchbacks: take your foot off the accelerator, let the regeneration scrub off enough speed for the next curve, and then put your foot back into it. I could gladly have done that all day. What’s the A6 e-tron like on the road? The only A6 e-tron available was the rear-wheel-drive Performance, a step up from the 281-horsepower entry model. The Performance’s single electric motor makes 362 horsepower, while our two-motor Quattro version will make 422 horsepower. Even so, the Performance is no slouch. The general impression is of a very smooth gasoline-powered Audi that happens to be electric; it’s quick and nimble, and a good daily driver that can also tackle the twisties on weekends as desired. The Quattro driveline should only make it better. Both the A6 and S6 produce artificial gas-engine sounds in the sportier driving modes – they’re silent in the Comfort setting – and while it’s a gimmick, it’s a pretty good one. It’s louder in the S6, but never so noisy that it’s annoying. Should you think otherwise, it can be turned off. What’s the Audi A6 e-tron like on the outside? The A6 e-tron’s styling of an “inverted” grille and thin headlights will be a signature look for all of Audi’s future battery-powered models. The door handles are flush-mounted, but you put your hand under them to open. They don’t electrically pop out as some do, which always seems kinda-iffy to me in a climate where it’s not uncommon for cars to be covered in ice. An available panoramic sunroof contains a liquid crystal technology that turns the glass dark or light as preferred. It does that in sections, similar to moving a sunshade forward – those in one set of seats can have darker glass overhead, while those in the other can enjoy the sunshine. The rear hatch is hands-free, and if you walk up to the car with the key, it shines an arrow on the ground indicating where to kick your foot to activate it. There’s also a 27-litre front trunk, and the hood pops open for access if you move your hand sideways in front of the car’s nose. What’s the Audi A6 e-tron like inside? Audi’s cabin redesign is working its way across all its new models, including what it calls a “digital stage.” A single piece of curved glass contains the 11.9-inch digital instrument cluster and 14.5-inch infotainment touchscreen. A 10.9-inch screen can be added in front of the passenger, which can display some of the centre screen’s information such as navigation, or handle its own entertainment content through phones or apps, which can’t be viewed by the driver. The seats are comfortable in typical German fashion, supportive rather than cushy, and I like that the S6 e-tron’s bolsters are effective but not so large that they make it tough to get in and out. While buttons are less distracting than screen icons, the climate controls on the bottom of the centre screen are at least easy to figure out. But there’s a lot happening on the driver’s door, where the control pad there not only handles locks, windows and mirrors, but also the headlights. Final thoughts Canadian pricing and an on-sale data are still to come. The 2025 Audi A6 e-tron Quattro will come in two trims, and having driven one with rear-wheel, I’m looking forward to piloting our all-wheel version. As for the S6 e-tron, well, if you don’t think electric can’t be electrifying, you really need to get behind the wheel and see for yourself. Sign up for our newsletter Blind-Spot Monitor and follow our social channels on X , Tiktok and LinkedIn to stay up to date on the latest automotive news, reviews, car culture, and vehicle shopping advice.Archer Aviation ( ACHR -23.72% ) stock plummeted in Monday's trading. The flying-taxi company's share price closed out the daily session down 23.7% and had been down as much as 28.7% earlier in the day. For comparison, the S&P 500 ( ^GSPC 0.24% ) and Nasdaq Composite ( ^IXIC 0.97% ) closed out the day up 0.2% and 0.9%, respectively. Archer Aviation faced bearish pressures along multiple lines today. For starters, short-sellers have started to place more bets against the stock on the heels of an explosive rally. Despite today's pullback, the stock is up 122% over the last month. The resignation of Stellantis CEO Carlos Tavares may have also played a role in today's sell-off. Stellantis has been a significant investor in Archer Aviation, and it's possible investors are concerned that the automaker's next CEO won't be a similarly eager partner. Along similar lines, some investors also appear to be concerned that Archer will move to raise funds by selling more stock soon. Down almost 24% in one day, is it time to buy Archer stock? Despite today's precipitous pullback, it's not clear that anything has materially changed for the company's outlook. The change of leadership at Stellantis could potentially limit future funding opportunities through the company, but it's also not clear that will happen. Whether it's to Stellantis or any number of other potential investors, Archer will likely move to sell more shares to raise funds at some point in the not-too-distant future. The company is still in a pre-revenue state, and it's in the early phases of ramping up manufacturing and getting its Midnight flying vehicles commercialized. There's a very good chance that the stock will see some significant dilution as the company raises funds to scale the business, and long-term investors shouldn't view that as an indication of weakness. Similarly, an increase of bets against the stock from short-sellers could pressure the stock in the near term -- but it won't define Archer's long-term stock performance. An increase in short interest could also open the door for a potential short squeeze if the company gets favorable news on the regulatory front, or lands new partnerships and contracts. Proceed with caution Investors should move forward with the understanding that Archer Aviation is a high-risk, high-reward stock. For those without high risk tolerance, making a substantial investment in the company is probably inadvisable. The company's outlook is highly speculative, and the flying-vehicle specialist could see dramatic valuation contraction if macroeconomic conditions or other factors cause the market to pivot away from growth stocks. On the other hand, Archer Aviation has been showing some impressive business momentum and could see significant regulatory wins in the near future. For investors who aren't deterred by the stock's high-risk profile, treating today's pullback as a buying opportunity in a broader dollar-cost-averaging strategy could be a good move.