9 cloud gaming By GABRIELA SÁ PESSOA and MAURICIO SAVARESE, Associated Press SAO PAULO (AP) — Brazil’s federal police said Thursday they indicted former President Jair Bolsonaro and 36 other people for allegedly attempting a coup to keep him in office after his defeat in the 2022 elections. Police said their findings were being delivered Thursday to Brazil’s Supreme Court, which must decide whether to refer them to Prosecutor-General Paulo Gonet, who will either formally charge Bolsonaro and put him on trial, or toss the investigation. The former right-wing president has denied all claims he tried to stay in office after his narrow electoral defeat in 2022 to his rival, leftist President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. Bolsonaro has faced a series of legal threats since then. Police said in a brief statement that the Supreme Court had agreed to reveal the names of all 37 people who were indicted “to avoid the dissemination of incorrect news.” The 700-page police document likely will take several days for the court to review, Supreme Court justice Alexandre de Moraes said. Dozens of former and current Bolsonaro aides also were indicted, including Gen. Walter Braga Netto, who was his running mate in the 2022 campaign; former Army commander Gen. Paulo Sérgio Nogueira de Oliveira; Valdemar Costa Neto, the chairman of Bolsonaro’s Liberal Party; and his veteran former adviser, Gen. Augusto Heleno. The investigation started last year. On Tuesday, four military men and one federal police agent were arrested as part of the same probe . Other investigations focus on Bolosnaro’s potential roles in smuggling diamond jewelry into Brazil without properly declaring them, and in directing a subordinate to falsify his and others’ COVID-19 vaccination statuses. Bolsonaro has denied any involvement in either. Another probe found that he had abused his authority to cast doubt on the country’s voting system, and judges barred him from running again until 2030. The far-reaching investigations have weakened Bolsonaro’s status as a leader of Brazil’s right wing, said Carlos Melo, a political science professor at Insper University in Sao Paulo. “Bolsonaro is already barred from running in the 2026 elections,” Melo told the The Associated Press. “And if he is convicted he could also be jailed by then. To avoid being behind bars, he will have to convince Supreme Court justices that he has nothing to do with a plot that involves dozens of his aids. That’s a very tall order,” Melo said. On Tuesday, the federal police arrested four military and a federal police officer accused of plotting to overthrow the government following the 2022 elections, including alleged plans to kill Lula and other top officials.

NEW YORK--(BUSINESS WIRE)--Dec 12, 2024-- Goldman Sachs Asset Management, the investment adviser for the Goldman Sachs Bloomberg Clean Energy Equity ETF, Goldman Sachs North American Pipelines & Power Equity ETF and Goldman Sachs Future Real Estate and Infrastructure Equity ETF (each, a “Fund” and collectively, the “Funds”), announced today that the Funds’ Board of Trustees, at the recommendation of Goldman Sachs Asset Management, has approved a plan of liquidation for each Fund (collectively, the “Plans”). Under the Plans, which are effective today, the Funds will begin the process of liquidating portfolio assets and unwinding their affairs in an orderly fashion over time. The Plans are not subject to shareholder approval. Shareholders of the Funds may sell their shares on the Fund’s listing exchange, Cboe BZX Exchange, Inc. (“Cboe”) for the Goldman Sachs Bloomberg Clean Energy Equity ETF and Goldman Sachs North American Pipelines & Power Equity ETF or NYSE Arca, Inc. (“NYSE Arca”) for the Goldman Sachs Future Real Estate and Infrastructure Equity ETF until market close on January 10, 2025, and may incur transaction fees from their broker-dealer. The Funds’ shares will no longer trade on Cboe or NYSE Arca, as applicable, after market close on January 10, 2025, and the shares will subsequently be de-listed. Shareholders who continue to hold shares of a Fund on the Funds’ liquidation date, which is expected to be on or about January 17, 2025, will receive a liquidating distribution of cash in the cash portion of their brokerage accounts equal to the amount of the net asset value of their shares. For tax purposes, shareholders will generally recognize a capital gain or loss equal to the amount received for their shares over their adjusted basis in such shares. The Funds will stop accepting creation orders from Authorized Participants on January 10, 2025. About Goldman Sachs Asset Management Goldman Sachs Asset Management is the primary investing area within Goldman Sachs (NYSE: GS), delivering investment and advisory services across public and private markets for the world’s leading institutions, financial advisors, and individuals. The business is driven by a focus on partnership and shared success with its clients, seeking to deliver long-term investment performance drawing on its global network and deep expertise across industries and markets. Goldman Sachs Asset Management is a leading investor across fixed income, liquidity, equity, alternatives, and multi-asset solutions. Goldman Sachs oversees approximately $3.1 trillion in assets under supervision as of September 30, 2024. Follow us on LinkedIn . The Goldman Sachs Bloomberg Clean Energy Equity ETF (the “Fund”) seeks to provide investment results that closely correspond, before fees and expenses, to the performance of the Bloomberg Goldman Sachs Global Clean Energy Index (the “Index”), which delivers exposure to companies that are expected to have a significant impact on energy decarbonization through their exposure to clean energy. The Fund’s investments are subject to market risk , which means that the value of the securities in which it invests may go up or down in response to the prospects of individual companies, particular sectors or governments and/or general economic conditions. Foreign and emerging markets investments may be more volatile and less liquid than investments in U.S. securities and are subject to the risks of currency fluctuations and adverse social, economic or political developments. Because the Fund may have significant investments in the clean energy sector , the Fund is subject to risk of loss as a result of adverse economic, business or other developments affecting industries within that sector. The securities of mid- and small-capitalization companies involve greater risks than those associated with larger, more established companies and may be subject to more abrupt or erratic price movements. The Fund is not actively managed, and therefore the Fund will not generally dispose of a security unless the security is removed from the Index. The Index calculation methodology may rely on information based on assumptions and estimates and neither the Fund, the index provider nor the investment adviser can guarantee the accuracy of the methodology’s valuation of securities or the availability or timeliness of the production of the Index. Performance may vary substantially from the performance of the Index as a result of transaction costs, expenses and other factors. The Goldman Sachs North American Pipelines & Power Equity ETF (the “Fund”) seeks to provide investment results that closely correspond, before fees and expenses, to the performance of the Solactive Energy Infrastructure Enhanced Index (the “Index”), which is designed to deliver exposure to equity securities of U.S. and Canadian listed companies including companies structured as master limited partnerships (“MLPs”), operating in the pipelines and power universe. The Fund’s investments are subject to market risk , which means that the value of the securities in which it invests may go up or down in response to the prospects of individual companies, particular sectors or governments and/or general economic conditions. Foreign investments may be more volatile and less liquid than investments in U.S. securities and are subject to the risks of currency fluctuations and adverse economic, social or political developments, including sanctions, counter-sanctions and other retaliatory actions. Investments in MLPs are subject to certain additional risks, including risks related to limited control and limited rights to vote on matters affecting MLPs, potential conflicts of interest, cash flow risks, dilution risks, limited liquidity , risks related to the general partner’s right to force sales at undesirable times or prices, interest rate sensitivity and for MLPs with smaller capitalizations, lower trading volume and abrupt or erratic price movements. MLPs are also subject to risks relating to their complex tax structure , including the risk that an MLP could lose its tax status as a partnership, resulting in a reduction in the value of the Fund’s investment in the MLP and lower income to the Fund. MLPs are also subject to the risk that to the extent that a distribution received from an MLP is treated as a return of capital, the Fund’s adjusted tax basis in the MLP interests may be reduced, which may increase the Fund’s tax liability upon the sale of the MLP interests or upon subsequent distributions in respect of such interests. Many MLPs in which the Fund invests operate facilities within the energy sector and are also subject to risks affecting that sector . Because the Index currently concentrates its investments in the energy sector , the Fund is subject to greater risk of loss as a result of adverse economic, business or other developments affecting that industry or group of industries. The Fund is not actively managed , and therefore the Fund will not generally dispose of a security unless the security is removed from the Index. The Index calculation methodology may rely on information based on assumptions and estimates and neither the Fund, the index provider nor the investment adviser can guarantee the accuracy of the methodology’s valuation of securities or the availability or timeliness of the production of the Index. Performance may vary substantially from the performance of the Index as a result of transaction costs, expenses and other factors. The Fund is non-diversified and may invest a larger percentage of its assets in fewer issuers than “diversified” funds. Accordingly, the Fund may be more susceptible to adverse developments affecting any single issuer held in its portfolio and to greater losses resulting from these developments. The Goldman Sachs Future Real Estate and Infrastructure Equity ETF (the “Fund”) seeks long-term growth of capital. The Fund is an actively managed exchange-traded fund. The Fund pursues its investment objective by primarily investing in U.S. and non-U.S. real estate and infrastructure companies that the Investment Adviser believes are aligned with key themes associated with secular growth drivers for real estate and infrastructure assets. The Fund’s investments are subject to market risk , which means that the value of the securities in which it invests may go up or down in response to the prospects of individual companies, particular sectors or governments and/or general economic conditions. The Fund’s thematic investment strategy limits the universe of investment opportunities available to the Fund and may affect the Fund’s performance relative to similar funds that do not seek to invest in companies exposed to such themes. The Fund relies on the Investment Adviser for the identification of companies the Investment Adviser believes are aligned with key themes associated with secular growth drivers for real estate and infrastructure assets, and there is no guarantee that the Investment Adviser’s views will reflect the beliefs or values of any particular investor or that real estate and infrastructure companies in which the Fund invests will benefit from their associations with secular growth drivers for real estate and infrastructure assets. Different investment styles (e.g., “growth” and “value”) tend to shift in and out of favor, and at times the Fund may underperform other funds that invest in similar asset classes. Because the Fund concentrates its investments in certain specific industries, the Fund is subject to greater risk of loss as a result of adverse economic, business or other developments affecting those industries than if its investments were more diversified across different industries . Stock prices of real estate and infrastructure companies in particular may be especially volatile. Investing in Real Estate Investment Trusts (“REITs”) involves certain unique risks in addition to those risks associated with investing in the real estate industry in general. REITs whose underlying properties are focused in a particular industry or geographic region are also subject to risks affecting such industries and regions. The securities of REITs involve greater risks than those associated with larger, more established companies and may be subject to more abrupt or erratic price movements because of interest rate changes, economic conditions and other factors. Foreign and emerging markets investments may be more volatile and less liquid than investments in U.S. securities and are subject to the risks of currency fluctuations and adverse economic, social or political developments, including sanctions, counter-sanctions and other retaliatory actions. Such securities are also subject to foreign custody risk. The securities of mid- and small-capitalization companies involve greater risks than those associated with larger, more established companies and may be subject to more abrupt or erratic price movements. The Fund is “ non-diversified ” and may invest a larger percentage of its assets in fewer issuers than “diversified” funds. In addition, the Fund may invest in a relatively small number of issuers . Accordingly, the Fund may be more susceptible to adverse developments affecting any single issuer held in its portfolio and to greater losses resulting from these developments. Fund shares are not individually redeemable and are issued and redeemed by a Fund at their net asset value (“NAV”) only in large, specified blocks of shares called creation units. Shares otherwise can be bought and sold only through exchange trading at market price (not NAV). Shares may trade at a premium or discount to their NAV in the secondary market. Brokerage commissions will reduce returns. A summary prospectus, if available, or a Prospectus for each Fund containing more information may be obtained from your authorized dealer or from Goldman Sachs & Co. LLC by calling 1-800-621-2550. Please consider a Fund's objectives, risks, and charges and expenses, and read the summary prospectus, if available, and the Prospectus carefully before investing. The summary prospectus, if available, and the Prospectus contains this and other information about the Funds. The Investment Company Act of 1940 (the “Act”) imposes certain limits on investment companies purchasing or acquiring any security issued by another registered investment company. For these purposes the definition of “investment company” includes funds that are unregistered because they are excepted from the definition of investment company by sections 3(c)(1) and 3(c)(7) of the Act. You should consult your legal counsel for more information. Goldman Sachs does not provide accounting, tax or legal advice. © 2024 Goldman Sachs All rights reserved NOT FDIC INSURED. MAY LOSE VALUE. NO BANK GUARANTEE. NOT INSURED BY ANY GOVERNMENT AGENCY. ALPS Control: GST: 2818 Compliance Code: 402923-OTU-2167293 Date of first use: 12/12/2024 View source version on businesswire.com : https://www.businesswire.com/news/home/20241212407058/en/ CONTACT: Media: Victoria Zarella Tel: 212-902-5400 KEYWORD: NEW YORK UNITED STATES NORTH AMERICA INDUSTRY KEYWORD: ASSET MANAGEMENT PROFESSIONAL SERVICES FINANCE SOURCE: Goldman Sachs Asset Management Copyright Business Wire 2024. PUB: 12/12/2024 05:12 PM/DISC: 12/12/2024 05:10 PM http://www.businesswire.com/news/home/20241212407058/enMoment of silence for former President Jimmy Carter held before the Falcons-Commanders game

Direct Line Insurance Group plc ( LON:DLG – Get Free Report ) reached a new 52-week high during trading on Friday . The company traded as high as GBX 257.60 ($3.24) and last traded at GBX 253.38 ($3.19), with a volume of 4441624 shares changing hands. The stock had previously closed at GBX 253.80 ($3.19). Wall Street Analysts Forecast Growth Separately, Deutsche Bank Aktiengesellschaft reiterated a “buy” rating and set a GBX 240 ($3.02) price target on shares of Direct Line Insurance Group in a research note on Thursday, September 5th. Get Our Latest Stock Report on Direct Line Insurance Group Direct Line Insurance Group Stock Performance About Direct Line Insurance Group ( Get Free Report ) Direct Line Insurance Group plc engages in the provision of general insurance products and services in the United Kingdom. The company operates through Motor, Home, Rescue and Other Personal Lines, and Commercial segments. It offers motor, home, van, landlord, rescue, pet, tradesperson, business, creditor and select, and travel insurance products, as well as commercial insurance for small and medium-sized enterprises. See Also Receive News & Ratings for Direct Line Insurance Group Daily - Enter your email address below to receive a concise daily summary of the latest news and analysts' ratings for Direct Line Insurance Group and related companies with MarketBeat.com's FREE daily email newsletter .The Game Awards 2024 live: All the announcements and awards as they happen

Photos: Remembering former President Jimmy CarterTrump signals support for US dockworkers in stalled labor talks

ATLANTA (AP) — Jimmy Carter, the peanut farmer who won the presidency in the wake of the Watergate scandal and Vietnam War, endured humbling defeat after one tumultuous term and then redefined life after the White House as a global humanitarian, has died. He was 100 years old. The longest-lived American president died on Sunday, more than a year after entering hospice care , at his home in the small town of Plains, Georgia, where he and his wife, Rosalynn, who died at 96 in November 2023 , spent most of their lives, The Carter Center said. “Our founder, former U.S. President Jimmy Carter, passed away this afternoon in Plains, Georgia,” the center said in posting about his death on the social media platform X. It added in a statement that he died peacefully, surrounded by his family. Businessman, Navy officer, evangelist, politician, negotiator, author, woodworker, citizen of the world — Carter forged a path that still challenges political assumptions and stands out among the 45 men who reached the nation’s highest office. The 39th president leveraged his ambition with a keen intellect, deep religious faith and prodigious work ethic, conducting diplomatic missions into his 80s and building houses for the poor well into his 90s. “My faith demands — this is not optional — my faith demands that I do whatever I can, wherever I am, whenever I can, for as long as I can, with whatever I have to try to make a difference,” Carter once said. A moderate Democrat, Carter entered the 1976 presidential race as a little-known Georgia governor with a broad smile, outspoken Baptist mores and technocratic plans reflecting his education as an engineer. His no-frills campaign depended on public financing, and his promise not to deceive the American people resonated after Richard Nixon’s disgrace and U.S. defeat in southeast Asia. “If I ever lie to you, if I ever make a misleading statement, don’t vote for me. I would not deserve to be your president,” Carter repeated before narrowly beating Republican incumbent Gerald Ford, who had lost popularity pardoning Nixon. Carter governed amid Cold War pressures, turbulent oil markets and social upheaval over racism, women’s rights and America’s global role. His most acclaimed achievement in office was a Mideast peace deal that he brokered by keeping Egyptian President Anwar Sadat and Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin at the bargaining table for 13 days in 1978. That Camp David experience inspired the post-presidential center where Carter would establish so much of his legacy. Yet Carter’s electoral coalition splintered under double-digit inflation, gasoline lines and the 444-day hostage crisis in Iran. His bleakest hour came when eight Americans died in a failed hostage rescue in April 1980, helping to ensure his landslide defeat to Republican Ronald Reagan. Carter acknowledged in his 2020 “White House Diary” that he could be “micromanaging” and “excessively autocratic,” complicating dealings with Congress and the federal bureaucracy. He also turned a cold shoulder to Washington’s news media and lobbyists, not fully appreciating their influence on his political fortunes. “It didn’t take us long to realize that the underestimation existed, but by that time we were not able to repair the mistake,” Carter told historians in 1982, suggesting that he had “an inherent incompatibility” with Washington insiders. Carter insisted his overall approach was sound and that he achieved his primary objectives — to “protect our nation’s security and interests peacefully” and “enhance human rights here and abroad” — even if he fell spectacularly short of a second term. Ignominious defeat, though, allowed for renewal. The Carters founded The Carter Center in 1982 as a first-of-its-kind base of operations, asserting themselves as international peacemakers and champions of democracy, public health and human rights. “I was not interested in just building a museum or storing my White House records and memorabilia,” Carter wrote in a memoir published after his 90th birthday. “I wanted a place where we could work.” That work included easing nuclear tensions in North and South Korea, helping to avert a U.S. invasion of Haiti and negotiating cease-fires in Bosnia and Sudan. By 2022, The Carter Center had declared at least 113 elections in Latin America, Asia and Africa to be free or fraudulent. Recently, the center began monitoring U.S. elections as well. Carter’s stubborn self-assuredness and even self-righteousness proved effective once he was unencumbered by the Washington order, sometimes to the point of frustrating his successors . He went “where others are not treading,” he said, to places like Ethiopia, Liberia and North Korea, where he secured the release of an American who had wandered across the border in 2010. “I can say what I like. I can meet whom I want. I can take on projects that please me and reject the ones that don’t,” Carter said. He announced an arms-reduction-for-aid deal with North Korea without clearing the details with Bill Clinton’s White House. He openly criticized President George W. Bush for the 2003 invasion of Iraq. He also criticized America’s approach to Israel with his 2006 book “Palestine: Peace Not Apartheid.” And he repeatedly countered U.S. administrations by insisting North Korea should be included in international affairs, a position that most aligned Carter with Republican President Donald Trump. Among the center’s many public health initiatives, Carter vowed to eradicate the guinea worm parasite during his lifetime, and nearly achieved it: Cases dropped from millions in the 1980s to nearly a handful. With hardhats and hammers, the Carters also built homes with Habitat for Humanity. The Nobel committee’s 2002 Peace Prize cites his “untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” Carter should have won it alongside Sadat and Begin in 1978, the chairman added. Carter accepted the recognition saying there was more work to be done. “The world is now, in many ways, a more dangerous place,” he said. “The greater ease of travel and communication has not been matched by equal understanding and mutual respect.” Carter’s globetrotting took him to remote villages where he met little “Jimmy Carters,” so named by admiring parents. But he spent most of his days in the same one-story Plains house — expanded and guarded by Secret Service agents — where they lived before he became governor. He regularly taught Sunday School lessons at Maranatha Baptist Church until his mobility declined and the coronavirus pandemic raged. Those sessions drew visitors from around the world to the small sanctuary where Carter will receive his final send-off after a state funeral at Washington’s National Cathedral. The common assessment that he was a better ex-president than president rankled Carter and his allies. His prolific post-presidency gave him a brand above politics, particularly for Americans too young to witness him in office. But Carter also lived long enough to see biographers and historians reassess his White House years more generously. His record includes the deregulation of key industries, reduction of U.S. dependence on foreign oil, cautious management of the national debt and notable legislation on the environment, education and mental health. He focused on human rights in foreign policy, pressuring dictators to release thousands of political prisoners . He acknowledged America’s historical imperialism, pardoned Vietnam War draft evaders and relinquished control of the Panama Canal. He normalized relations with China. “I am not nominating Jimmy Carter for a place on Mount Rushmore,” Stuart Eizenstat, Carter’s domestic policy director, wrote in a 2018 book. “He was not a great president” but also not the “hapless and weak” caricature voters rejected in 1980, Eizenstat said. Rather, Carter was “good and productive” and “delivered results, many of which were realized only after he left office.” Madeleine Albright, a national security staffer for Carter and Clinton’s secretary of state, wrote in Eizenstat’s forward that Carter was “consequential and successful” and expressed hope that “perceptions will continue to evolve” about his presidency. “Our country was lucky to have him as our leader,” said Albright, who died in 2022. Jonathan Alter, who penned a comprehensive Carter biography published in 2020, said in an interview that Carter should be remembered for “an epic American life” spanning from a humble start in a home with no electricity or indoor plumbing through decades on the world stage across two centuries. “He will likely go down as one of the most misunderstood and underestimated figures in American history,” Alter told The Associated Press. James Earl Carter Jr. was born Oct. 1, 1924, in Plains and spent his early years in nearby Archery. His family was a minority in the mostly Black community, decades before the civil rights movement played out at the dawn of Carter’s political career. Carter, who campaigned as a moderate on race relations but governed more progressively, talked often of the influence of his Black caregivers and playmates but also noted his advantages: His land-owning father sat atop Archery’s tenant-farming system and owned a main street grocery. His mother, Lillian , would become a staple of his political campaigns. Seeking to broaden his world beyond Plains and its population of fewer than 1,000 — then and now — Carter won an appointment to the U.S. Naval Academy, graduating in 1946. That same year he married Rosalynn Smith, another Plains native, a decision he considered more important than any he made as head of state. She shared his desire to see the world, sacrificing college to support his Navy career. Carter climbed in rank to lieutenant, but then his father was diagnosed with cancer, so the submarine officer set aside his ambitions of admiralty and moved the family back to Plains. His decision angered Rosalynn, even as she dived into the peanut business alongside her husband. Carter again failed to talk with his wife before his first run for office — he later called it “inconceivable” not to have consulted her on such major life decisions — but this time, she was on board. “My wife is much more political,” Carter told the AP in 2021. He won a state Senate seat in 1962 but wasn’t long for the General Assembly and its back-slapping, deal-cutting ways. He ran for governor in 1966 — losing to arch-segregationist Lester Maddox — and then immediately focused on the next campaign. Carter had spoken out against church segregation as a Baptist deacon and opposed racist “Dixiecrats” as a state senator. Yet as a local school board leader in the 1950s he had not pushed to end school segregation even after the Supreme Court's Brown v. Board of Education decision, despite his private support for integration. And in 1970, Carter ran for governor again as the more conservative Democrat against Carl Sanders, a wealthy businessman Carter mocked as “Cufflinks Carl.” Sanders never forgave him for anonymous, race-baiting flyers, which Carter disavowed. Ultimately, Carter won his races by attracting both Black voters and culturally conservative whites. Once in office, he was more direct. “I say to you quite frankly that the time for racial discrimination is over,” he declared in his 1971 inaugural address, setting a new standard for Southern governors that landed him on the cover of Time magazine. His statehouse initiatives included environmental protection, boosting rural education and overhauling antiquated executive branch structures. He proclaimed Martin Luther King Jr. Day in the slain civil rights leader’s home state. And he decided, as he received presidential candidates in 1972, that they were no more talented than he was. In 1974, he ran Democrats’ national campaign arm. Then he declared his own candidacy for 1976. An Atlanta newspaper responded with the headline: “Jimmy Who?” The Carters and a “Peanut Brigade” of family members and Georgia supporters camped out in Iowa and New Hampshire, establishing both states as presidential proving grounds. His first Senate endorsement: a young first-termer from Delaware named Joe Biden. Yet it was Carter’s ability to navigate America’s complex racial and rural politics that cemented the nomination. He swept the Deep South that November, the last Democrat to do so, as many white Southerners shifted to Republicans in response to civil rights initiatives. A self-declared “born-again Christian,” Carter drew snickers by referring to Scripture in a Playboy magazine interview, saying he “had looked on many women with lust. I’ve committed adultery in my heart many times.” The remarks gave Ford a new foothold and television comedians pounced — including NBC’s new “Saturday Night Live” show. But voters weary of cynicism in politics found it endearing. Carter chose Minnesota Sen. Walter “Fritz” Mondale as his running mate on a “Grits and Fritz” ticket. In office, he elevated the vice presidency and the first lady’s office. Mondale’s governing partnership was a model for influential successors Al Gore, Dick Cheney and Biden. Rosalynn Carter was one of the most involved presidential spouses in history, welcomed into Cabinet meetings and huddles with lawmakers and top aides. The Carters presided with uncommon informality: He used his nickname “Jimmy” even when taking the oath of office, carried his own luggage and tried to silence the Marine Band’s “Hail to the Chief.” They bought their clothes off the rack. Carter wore a cardigan for a White House address, urging Americans to conserve energy by turning down their thermostats. Amy, the youngest of four children, attended District of Columbia public school. Washington’s social and media elite scorned their style. But the larger concern was that “he hated politics,” according to Eizenstat, leaving him nowhere to turn politically once economic turmoil and foreign policy challenges took their toll. Carter partially deregulated the airline, railroad and trucking industries and established the departments of Education and Energy, and the Federal Emergency Management Agency. He designated millions of acres of Alaska as national parks or wildlife refuges. He appointed a then-record number of women and nonwhite people to federal posts. He never had a Supreme Court nomination, but he elevated civil rights attorney Ruth Bader Ginsburg to the nation’s second highest court, positioning her for a promotion in 1993. He appointed Paul Volker, the Federal Reserve chairman whose policies would help the economy boom in the 1980s — after Carter left office. He built on Nixon’s opening with China, and though he tolerated autocrats in Asia, pushed Latin America from dictatorships to democracy. But he couldn’t immediately tame inflation or the related energy crisis. And then came Iran. After he admitted the exiled Shah of Iran to the U.S. for medical treatment, the American Embassy in Tehran was overrun in 1979 by followers of the Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini. Negotiations to free the hostages broke down repeatedly ahead of the failed rescue attempt. The same year, Carter signed SALT II, the new strategic arms treaty with Leonid Brezhnev of the Soviet Union, only to pull it back, impose trade sanctions and order a U.S. boycott of the Moscow Olympics after the Soviets invaded Afghanistan. Hoping to instill optimism, he delivered what the media dubbed his “malaise” speech, although he didn’t use that word. He declared the nation was suffering “a crisis of confidence.” By then, many Americans had lost confidence in the president, not themselves. Carter campaigned sparingly for reelection because of the hostage crisis, instead sending Rosalynn as Sen. Edward M. Kennedy challenged him for the Democratic nomination. Carter famously said he’d “kick his ass,” but was hobbled by Kennedy as Reagan rallied a broad coalition with “make America great again” appeals and asking voters whether they were “better off than you were four years ago.” Reagan further capitalized on Carter’s lecturing tone, eviscerating him in their lone fall debate with the quip: “There you go again.” Carter lost all but six states and Republicans rolled to a new Senate majority. Carter successfully negotiated the hostages’ freedom after the election, but in one final, bitter turn of events, Tehran waited until hours after Carter left office to let them walk free. At 56, Carter returned to Georgia with “no idea what I would do with the rest of my life.” Four decades after launching The Carter Center, he still talked of unfinished business. “I thought when we got into politics we would have resolved everything,” Carter told the AP in 2021. “But it’s turned out to be much more long-lasting and insidious than I had thought it was. I think in general, the world itself is much more divided than in previous years.” Still, he affirmed what he said when he underwent treatment for a cancer diagnosis in his 10th decade of life. “I’m perfectly at ease with whatever comes,” he said in 2015 . “I’ve had a wonderful life. I’ve had thousands of friends, I’ve had an exciting, adventurous and gratifying existence.” Former Associated Press journalist Alex Sanz contributed to this report.Chip Somodevilla Huang's Gen AI warning NVIDIA Corporation ( NVDA ) CEO Jensen Huang was in Hong Kong over the last weekend, where he received his honorary Ph.D. in Engineering from the Hong Kong University of Science and Technology. During his Analyst’s Disclosure: I/we have no stock, option or similar derivative position in any of the companies mentioned, and no plans to initiate any such positions within the next 72 hours. I wrote this article myself, and it expresses my own opinions. I am not receiving compensation for it (other than from Seeking Alpha). I have no business relationship with any company whose stock is mentioned in this article. Seeking Alpha's Disclosure: Past performance is no guarantee of future results. No recommendation or advice is being given as to whether any investment is suitable for a particular investor. Any views or opinions expressed above may not reflect those of Seeking Alpha as a whole. Seeking Alpha is not a licensed securities dealer, broker or US investment adviser or investment bank. Our analysts are third party authors that include both professional investors and individual investors who may not be licensed or certified by any institute or regulatory body.Robert Half director Dirk Kempthorne sells $76,729 in stockJimmy Carter, the 39th US president, has died at 100

‘Abbott Elementary’: Chris Perfetti Teases Which ‘Always Sunny’ Star Made Him Laugh the Most

Top Crypto Price Predictions Why Investors Are Leaning To Lightchain AI Over Dogecoin (DOGE) and Tron (TRX)Inspirato Partners with BLADE Urban Air Mobility to Enhance Member Travel ExperiencesFootball World Cup 2026 Draw: Friday’s Big Draw- New rules, new rivalries