how to make lobby in roblox studio — BIRTH NAME: James Earl Carter, Jr. — BORN: Oct. 1, 1924, at the Wise Clinic in Plains, Georgia, the first U.S. president born in a hospital. He would become the first president to live for an entire century . — EDUCATION: Plains High School, Plains, Georgia, 1939-1941; Georgia Southwestern College, Americus, Georgia, 1941-1942; Georgia Institute of Technology, Atlanta, 1942-1943; U.S. Naval Academy, Annapolis, Maryland, 1943-1946 (class of 1947); Union College, Schenectady, New York, 1952-1953. — PRESIDENCY: Sworn-in as 39th president of the United States at the age of 52 years, 3 months and 20 days on Jan. 20, 1977, after defeating President Gerald R. Ford in the 1976 general election. Left office on Jan. 20, 1981, following 1980 general election loss to Ronald Reagan. — POST-PRESIDENCY: Launched The Carter Center in 1982. Began volunteering at Habitat for Humanity in 1984. Awarded Nobel Peace Prize in 2002. Taught for 37 years at Emory University, where he was granted tenure in 2019, at age 94. — OTHER ELECTED OFFICES: Georgia state senator, 1963-1967; Georgia governor, 1971-1975. — OTHER OCCUPATIONS: Served in U.S. Navy, achieved rank of lieutenant, 1946-53; Farmer, warehouseman, Plains, Georgia, 1953-77. — FAMILY: Wife, Rosalynn Smith Carter , married July 7, 1946 until her death Nov. 19, 2023. They had three sons, John William (Jack), James Earl III (Chip), Donnel Jeffrey (Jeff); a daughter, Amy Lynn; and 11 living grandchildren and 14 great-grandchildren. Source: Jimmy Carter Library & MuseumEAST TENNESSEE STATE 79, AUSTIN PEAY 57

Tucson high school senior Angeles says she tries to be a role model for her two younger siblings, as well as her cousins who still live in southern Mexico. The 17-year-old stays busy with school, her part-time job in Marana's outlet mall and playing bass in a band with friends. She’s been accepted at Northern Arizona University in Flagstaff, where she hopes to study business. But as the eldest, U.S.-born daughter of two undocumented parents, Angeles said that sense of responsibility has been weighing on her since Donald Trump won the presidential election, following repeated campaign promises to "launch the largest deportation effort in American history." “It’s often in my head, especially at work,” she said, her voice breaking. “I’m just scared to come back one day and not see my parents at my house.” Monica and her husband, who are undocumented, and their three children Angeles, Amaya and Axel, who were all born in the U.S., put their hands together. “I’m just scared to come back one day and not see my parents at my house," Angeles says. Instead of feeling excitement about NAU, Angeles says she can't help but think about the worst-case scenario. If her parents were to be deported, she's prepared to delay or leave college and start working full-time to support her younger sister until she finishes high school. Her parents act calm when discussing how their family would deal with such a situation, but Angeles says she knows they’re stressed. “I see it by looking at their eyes,” said Angeles, who asked the Arizona Daily Star to only use her first name. “We have so much here. We have community. If they do end up getting deported, they would be losing so much.” Between the twin threats of Trump's promised mass deportations, and the passage of Proposition 314 in Arizona — which allows local police to arrest people for immigration violations — many in Southern Arizona's immigrant community are experiencing fear and anxiety reminiscent of the days of SB1070. That's Arizona's notorious "show-me-your-papers" law, passed in 2010, which has been largely nullified by the courts. "The scary part is both the state and federal attacks combined," said Carolina Silva, director of immigrant-youth-led Scholarships A-Z, which advocates for education equity for undocumented students. SB1070 offers lessons for organizers today, although, with Trump in the presidency, it's harder to predict what the reality will look like, Silva said. "There’s a sense of, we’ve been on a similar train before but, as we know, Trump is a really chaotic individual. He has really anti-immigration people in his cabinet, so we can’t take much safety or comfort" in past experience, she said. Amid the uncertainty, many are finding solidarity in Tucson advocacy groups, which are mobilizing to inform the immigrant community about their rights and making plans to defend those vulnerable to deportation. "We're going to create a plan of accompaniment and ultimately, a plan of resistance," said immigrant-rights activist Isabel García, an attorney with Coalición de Derechos Humanos — Human Rights Coalition — and co-founder of Tucson’s “Stop the Hate” collective. "We have to protect our brothers and sisters in the community." Isabel Garcia listens to one of the dozens of people who turned out for the weekly meeting of Coalición de Derechos Humanos in Tucson on Thursday evening, discussing ways to deal with the incoming Trump administration’s mass deportation plans. "We're going to create a plan of accompaniment and ultimately, a plan of resistance," says Garcia, an immigrant-rights attorney. Advocates and experts say mass deportations won't begin suddenly; there's time to make emergency plans, organize important documents and contact lawyers. Any effort to ramp up deportations will face considerable logistical, financial, diplomatic and legal challenges, including the limits of Immigration and Customs Enforcement's capacity to detain people, the willingness of other countries to accept deportations, and the already massive backlog in U.S. immigration courts, experts say. Most immigrants who are already settled in the U.S., rather than recent arrivals at the border, can't be deported without a hearing before an immigration judge. "Any kind of significant ramp up in enforcement will take time. Obtaining new detention capacity will take months or potentially years," as will hiring more ICE agents, said Aaron Reichlin-Melnick, senior fellow at immigrant-rights research group American Immigration Council. "Despite Stephen Miller and others talking in terms of a 'shock-and-awe' campaign, I’m deeply skeptical the U.S. government has the capacity to do something like that." Angeles' mother, Monica, who asked that the Star only use her first name, said she wishes she could shield her children from the stress they're experiencing, but Trump's re-election has forced them to have hard conversations. Monica, a housekeeper and immigrant-rights advocate, has a wide smile and is quick to laugh. But her eyes fill with tears when talking about leaving Tucson, which now feels more like home than the one she left in Oaxaca, Mexico, nearly 20 years ago. Monica, a housekeeper, drapes her arms around her husband and her three children Angeles, Amaya and Axel, on Friday. Monica and her husband are undocumented immigrants whose three children were all born in the United States. Tucson now feels more like home than the one Monica left in Oaxaca, Mexico nearly 20 years ago, she says. Speaking to the Star in Spanish on a recent afternoon, a thick braid of hair draped over her shoulder, Monica recalled the years when she kept the shades drawn and always had the suitcases packed in case they had to leave. She's warned her children to be careful of police officers who might act more aggressively, emboldened by Proposition 314, as she said happened under SB1070. "Now we have to prepare, as a community," she said. "It's a sad and painful time." Community mobilizing As the sun set on Thursday evening, nearly 50 activists and organizers gathered at Coalición de Derechos Humanos' community center in South Tucson. Bouncing between English and Spanish, community members, legal advocates and social-justice activists pulled chairs into circle and hammered out details of an upcoming "Know Your Rights" clinic for undocumented immigrants and allies. The network of human-rights groups, led by Coalición de Derechos Humanos, is forming committees — including education, political outreach, emergency response and mental health — and scripting role-playing skits on how to respond if detained and questioned about one's immigration status. "We need volunteers to be actors," organizer Jennifer Cervantes announced at the meeting, joking, "It is a dark comedy." Jennifer Cervantes leads the weekly meeting of Coalición de Derechos Humanos in Tucson on Thursday evening, discussing efforts to deal with the new administration’s mass deportation plans. They're also seeking allies, U.S. citizen volunteers willing to show up quickly when someone is detained, or to accompany people to required check-ins with ICE, where they could be vulnerable to arrest. Organizers, some of whom are undocumented themselves, worry they could be targeted, too, said immigration attorney Alba Jaramillo of the Human Rights Coalition, and co-executive director of the Immigration Law and Justice Network. "We're going to have to figure out a way to do this that is safe," she said. "After Jan. 20, it's going to have to become an underground movement." In times of fear, it's crucial to empower people with knowledge and tools to defend themselves, said Manuel Ruiz, an activist who is also undocumented. "I think my family, and all immigrant families, will be greatly impacted by the insecurity of leaving your house and not knowing what will happen," he said in Spanish. "It's a chaos and a stress that are affecting us greatly." He advises maintaining an "emergency kit" with important documents — such as passports, asylum-petition documentation or birth certificates — in a secure place. Undocumented parents should sign power-of-attorney or guardianship papers to ensure someone they trust could care for their children, in case of a sudden detainment. If questioned during a traffic stop, assert the 5th Amendment right to remain silent, Silva said. “Don't say where you were born, don't respond to their questions. Say, 'I'm not allowed to say anything without an attorney present,'" she said. Local law enforcement Trump’s team has "two camps” with competing ideas of how mass deportations will be carried out, Reichlin-Melnick said. On one side is Stephen Miller, Trump's named deputy chief of staff of policy, who describes detention centers constructed by military, deployment of National Guard troops in immigrant-friendly cities and a sweeping effort to round up undocumented people, with no prioritization of those with criminal records, as is currently the policy under the Biden administration. Tom Homan, the former ICE director who will be Trump’s “border czar,” envisions a “more restrained operation" akin to current ICE operations targeting criminals, but with more resources, scaled-up detention capacity and "collateral arrests" of people near ICE's intended targets, Reichlin-Melnick said. Local officials said it's not yet clear what mass deportations will actually look like, and what kind of pressure local authorities will face to cooperate. Pima County Sheriff Chris Nanos, a Democrat who faces a recount in his narrow Nov. 5 election victory, told the Star that sheriff's deputies here will not participate in immigration enforcement. “I will say this: If Border Patrol called the Sheriff's Office and said, ’We need you to help us check on businesses and make sure everybody there has immigration status that's correct,’ we would never do that," he said. Nanos said sheriff's deputies cannot hold people for immigration violations without a court-ordered warrant transferring them to ICE custody. If ICE needs more detention space, "we’re not putting them in my jail," he said. "That's the federal government's problem." Most of Proposition 314's provisions will only go into effect if a similar law in Texas survives a court challenge. If enacted, it allows local law enforcement to arrest people for immigration violations, but it's not a mandate, Nanos said. "I do not plan to put deputies on the border. I need deputies here on my streets," he said. "My deputies have a job to do, and it has nothing to do with immigration.”’ Facing hard limits on the number of deportations that can happen in four years, the Trump administration will use fear to push people to leave on their own, Reichlin-Melnick said. "I think it's important for people to realize the Trump administration is going to weaponize fear here. They’ll weaponize public relations around raids," he said in a recent interview on The Majority Report . "We’re going to see a lot of cases in the first six months where ICE carries out a pretty standard operation and rather than a small press release coming out from the ICE Public Affairs office, we’ll see the White House blast out media images of raids. ... The idea there is to send people into the shadows and get them to self-deport." Economic, social impacts Deporting 1 million people annually would cost an average of $88 billion per year, including costs of arrests, detentions, legal processing and removals, according to an October report from the American Immigration Council. The U.S. economy also stands to lose the billions in revenue that undocumented immigrants contribute through sales, income and property taxes. In 2022, undocumented workers contributed $96.7 billion in federal, state and local taxes, according to a July study from the Institute on Taxation and Economic Policy. (People without Social Security numbers can pay taxes using Individual Tax Identification Numbers, issued by the Internal Revenue Service.) That includes $25.7 billion for Social Security and $6.4 billion for Medicare, programs for which undocumented workers are not eligible themselves. And in Arizona, undocumented immigrants paid $706 million in state and local taxes in 2022. Manuel Ruiz addresses the dozens at the weekly meeting of Coalición de Derechos Humanos — Human Rights Coalition — about plans to react to the Trump administration’s mass deportation promises. The Tucson Hispanic Chamber of Commerce is trying to educate Arizona's U.S. legislators on what mass deportations would mean for the economy, particularly in industries like agriculture, construction and hospitality, said Robert Elias, chamber CEO. Work shortages in the farming sector could increase reliance on automation and reduce jobs in the long-term, as well as increase food prices, he said. “Arizona's economy heavily relies on undocumented immigrant labor,” Elias said. "I don't believe anybody who says they care about the economy can be for this type of (deportation) policy, regardless of whether they’re Democrat, Republican or Independent.” Housing advocates say construction workforce shortages could exacerbate housing costs by slowing new homebuilding. “We are monitoring the situation closely," David Godlewski, president and CEO of the Southern Arizona Home Builders Association, said in an email. "The home building industry recognizes the importance of a robust and reliable workforce which is integral in meeting the current and future housing needs of our region. It’s a balancing act that requires investing in the workforce training, increasing the number of visas and exploring comprehensive immigration reform.” U.S. citizens affected, too Deportations have a ripple effect on the finances of entire households, and the wider community, said Geoff Boyce, research affiliate at the University of Arizona's Binational Migration Institute. In a 2020 study based on interviews with 125 Tucson households, Boyce calculated families incurred an average loss of $24,000 per arrest following a deportation, including lost income and legal fees. Two-thirds of family members in the survey were U.S. citizens, part of mixed-status families, he said. "What we find is the majority of people impacted by deportations are in fact U.S. citizens," Boyce said. "That's a reflection of how undocumented people are not a population that's isolated and lives apart from the rest of the community. They’re part of our families, our neighborhoods and our lives." Using a sports metaphor, Boyce said mass deportation can be understood as an "own goal," that is, "our own government sabotaging the health and well-being of the people it is supposed to serve and represent." Workplace raids don't usually net large numbers of deportations, relative to the massive amount of resources needed to carry them out, Reichlin-Melnick said. But they could be an effective P.R. strategy for Trump, he said. Workplace raids are experienced locally as disasters, said Liz Oglesby, associate professor in the UA's Center for Latin American Studies. Between 2007 and 2013 Oglesby interviewed residents of three U.S. cities hit by large-scale raids, carried out like military operations, under Republican President George W. Bush. In the small town of Postville, Iowa, the children of Guatemalan and Mexican immigrants were the only reason some local schools had been able to stay open, Oglesby said. The town lost one-third of its population when its foreign-born residents fled, following a raid led by 800 ICE agents that picked up nearly 400 undocumented workers at a meat-packing plant. In Postville, "the response in the community became bipartisan, in the sense that across the political spectrum people stood up and said, 'No, we don't want this kind of disaster in our community,'" Oglesby said. "It tore apart the social fabric of the community." Impact on children About 11 million undocumented residents live in the U.S., and about 4.4 million U.S.-born children live with an undocumented parent, according to the Pew Research Center . A 2017 study estimated the cost of foster care for U.S.-born children of deported parents to be $118 billion, assuming one-third of affected children remained in the U.S. instead of leaving with their parent. In Arizona, about 8.6% of U.S.-born children live with a foreign-born parent, and deportation threats cause tremendous stress, said Pima County Supervisor Adelita Grijalva, a Democrat. In Tucson under SB1070, the wave of fear that spread through the community led to high rates of absenteeism at schools, as parents kept their children home. Ultimately, the Tucson Unified School District lost about 15,000 enrolled students as families fled Arizona, said Grijalva, a former TUSD Governing Board member. Most Pima County schools now have emergency protocols for if a student's parent is detained, mostly involving crisis-response teams, Grijalva said. "It's mostly trauma services, the same sort of services you would provide if a parent was in a car accident," she said. TUSD did not respond to the Star's request for details on those protocols, but spokeswoman Karla Escamilla in an email, "Federal law prohibits public schools from requiring documentation on immigration status for enrollment." “There have to be safe spaces for our kids," Grijalva said. “That’s a protection every public school should provide. ... Both Pima County and the City of Tucson have taken strong positions on this (under SB1070) and I anticipate we'll renew our efforts this upcoming year." DACA recipients also worried This year's election night was painful for Jimena, 28, and her husband José, 36, whose parents brought him to the U.S. from Veracruz, Mexico, when he was 14. The couple asked that the Star only use their first names because they worry José, like many others, is vulnerable to losing his protected status under the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program, or DACA. The Obama-era program protects from deportation 535,000 undocumented immigrants who were brought to the U.S. as children. DACA recipients can get work permits, and must renew their status every two years. The Supreme Court blocked Trump's first-term efforts to rescind DACA in 2020. The program's future is now up to an appeals court, after the Biden Administration challenged a 2023 Texas federal judge's decision ruling the program illegal. Congress hasn't acted to provide a pathway to citizenship for DACA recipients despite polls showing strong support for it. Jimena and José said they stayed up late on election night, planning for if they have to leave the home they own in Casa Grande. At 13 weeks pregnant, Jimena says it's been hard to get excited about becoming parents. Trump's election feels like a personal attack, said Jimena, a naturalized U.S. citizen from El Salvador. "It feels like half of the country hates us. You can't feel safe," she said. "Sometimes I just feel numb. It's not that we forget we’re expecting a baby, but it just feels like this time where we should be focusing on our family, we have to focus on all the negativity around us." When Jimena looks at her husband, who runs an auto-glass tinting business, "I see the definition of an American dreamer," she said. "I see him as coming to this country and making something of himself. He has a business, he employs people, he pays his taxes, and he gets nothing in return but uncertainty. That's the thing that breaks my heart." Deportation causes trauma and grief, said Silva of Scholarships A-Z, whose family moved from Peru when she and her brother were children. When she was 19, Silva’s brother was detained at a traffic stop and later deported. It was 2011, and then-President Barack Obama, a Democrat, was ramping up the deportation program that would give him the moniker "deporter-in-chief" among critics. It was also one year before Obama created DACA, which Silva’s brother would have qualified for. “I wouldn’t wish deportation on anyone,” she said. "I don't know that anyone is safer because my brother isn’t in this country anymore." Now, once again, “it feels like our community is literally being hunted,” Silva said. “That is not okay. That is not what a first-world country should do." Seek community DACA recipient Luna Lara, 29, is a housing advocate in Tucson. She recalls “constantly looking over my shoulder” while growing up undocumented in Texas after her family moved from Nuevo Leon, Mexico. She and her brother “grew up on home remedies” because their parents were too scared to take them to the hospital if they were sick, she said. “It was drilled into us that we had to be good, we had to have good grades, we had to make sure we never got in trouble or in a fight, anything that would arouse suspicions or get anybody’s attention,” she said. The hyper-vigilance has never gone away, Lara said. “Even to this day, once a year my mom will have a conversation with me, 'Hey, if something happens, here’s where all the paperwork is, here’s your next step,’” she said. For those feeling isolated and anxious, seeking support in faith groups or advocacy groups is key, Silva said. "I want our community to know they’re not alone, to know they have rights, they are worthy and everything they’re feeling is valid," she said. "They don't have to go through the next four years feeling isolated." Dora Rodriguez, migrant-rights activist and founder of Salvavision in Tucson, noted that Democrats and Republicans alike have targeted immigrants. Obama deported more people in each of his two terms than Republican Trump did, and currently under the Biden Administration's June asylum restrictions , 1,200 newly arrived migrants each week are being quickly deported back to Nogales, Sonora, she said. At 19, Rodriguez nearly died crossing the Sonoran Desert after she fled war-torn El Salvador in 1980. Rodriguez doesn't believe Trump can follow through on his deportation threats — "Mexico didn’t build the wall like he told us," she said — but she's concerned about how local law enforcement will react to Proposition 314 if it goes into effect. As activists, "We’re not scared. We’re more outraged," she said. "I don't have space to be afraid. I don't have space to give up. ... When I talk to people who are already saying, 'I'm going to take my husband to California because I am terrified of that new law in Arizona,' how can you answer that? You just have to be there for that person and say, 'No, you're not alone. We’re gonna fight for you.'" Lara said the prospect of mass deportations makes her feel angry, but she doesn’t want to say she’s afraid. “I hate to use the word fear, because I’ve lived in fear all my life," she said. She’s still holding on to hope that what she was taught to love about the U.S., as a place of equality and freedom, might still be true. “I’m blessed every day to be waking up in a great country that I still believe in,” Lara said. “I just need it to love me back.” Contact reporter Emily Bregel at ebregel@tucson.com . On X, formerly Twitter: @EmilyBregel In a Friday Instagram video , Tucson Mayor Regina Romero, a Democrat, said: " I want to reassure every single resident that I am committed to do all we can to keep our community safe. I am deeply troubled by President-Elect Trump’s plans for mass deportation. I believe they are cruel and immoral. I will work with our police chief to make sure that our focus remains on protecting and serving Tucsonans. Here in Tucson, we know how to stand up and fight against hate and racist laws. Part of our history is coming together with our faith leaders and other organizations to protect children and families from separation. I am unwavering in my commitment to this fight. While we do not have specific details about how mass deportations will be carried out by President-Elect Trump’s administration, we do know that it will be painful to children, families and our immigrant community. We do not have the exact details as to when and if Proposition 314 goes into effect, we know that this hate-filled proposition draws from SB1070 — the "show me your papers" law. We are a compassionate city that knows we are stronger together and that values our multi-racial heritage. Justice will prevail. Subscribe to stay connected to Tucson. A subscription helps you access more of the local stories that keep you connected to the community. Be the first to know Get local news delivered to your inbox! Border reporter

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WASHINGTON (AP) — A machinists strike. Another safety problem involving its troubled top-selling airliner. A plunging stock price. 2024 was already a dispiriting year for Boeing, the American aviation giant. But when one of the company’s jets on Sunday, killing all but two of the 181 people on board, it brought to a close an especially unfortunate year for Boeing. The cause of the crash remains under investigation, and aviation experts were quick to distinguish Sunday’s incident from the company’s earlier safety problems. Alan Price, a former chief pilot at Delta Air Lines who is now a consultant, said it would be inappropriate to link the incident Sunday to two fatal crashes involving Boeing’s troubled 737 Max jetliner in 2018 and 2019. In January this year, a door plug blew off a 737 Max while it was in flight, raising more questions about the plane. The Boeing 737-800 that crash-landed in Korea, Price noted, is “a very proven airplane. “It’s different from the Max ...It’s a very safe airplane.’’ For decades, Boeing has maintained a role as one of the giants of American manufacturing. But the the past year’s repeated troubles have been damaging. The company’s stock price is down more than 30% in 2024. The company’s reputation for safety was especially tarnished by the 737 Max crashes, which occurred off the coast of Indonesia and in Ethiopia less than five months apart in 2018 and 2019 and left a combined 346 people dead. In the five years since then, Boeing has lost more than $23 billion. And it has fallen behind its European rival, Airbus, in selling and delivering new planes. Last fall, 33,000 Boeing machinists went on strike, crippling the production of the 737 Max, the company’s bestseller, the 777 airliner and 767 cargo plane. The walkout lasted seven weeks, until members of the International Association of Machinists and Aerospace Workers agreed to an offer that included 38% pay raises over four years. In January, a door plug blew off a 737 Max during an Alaska Airlines flight. Federal regulators responded by imposing limits on Boeing aircraft production that they said would remain in place until they felt confident about manufacturing safety at the company. In July, Boeing agreed to plead guilty to conspiracy to commit fraud for deceiving the Federal Aviation Administration regulators who approved the 737 Max. Acting on Boeing’s incomplete disclosures, the FAA approved minimal, computer-based training instead of more intensive training in flight simulators. Simulator training would have increased the cost for airlines to operate the Max and might have pushed some to buy planes from Airbus instead. (Prosecutors said they lacked evidence to argue that Boeing’s deception had played a role in the crashes.) But the plea deal was rejected this month by a , who decided that diversity, inclusion and equity or in the government and at Boeing could result in race being a factor in choosing an official to oversee Boeing’s compliance with the agreement. Boeing has sought to change its culture. Under intense pressure over safety issues, David Calhoun departed as CEO in August. Since January, 70,000 Boeing employees have participated in meetings to discuss ways to improve safety. Paul Wiseman, The Associated Press

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Jimmy Carter, the 39th President of the United States, died at his home in Plains, Georgia today. He was 100. Carter's interest in promoting renewable energy was on display at his January 20, 1977 presidential inauguration. Solar panels were installed to warm the reviewing stand near the White House, where Carter watched the inaugural parade. "It happened to be one of the coldest days of the year that morning and very little sun," says Paul Muldawer, the Atlanta architect Carter tapped to design his inauguration facilities. "We made a statement, although it honestly didn't work as well as I would have liked it to work," Muldawer says. Wind chill that day was in the teens, according to the National Weather Service . Carter wanted a ceremony that reflected his values. That extended to the reviewing stand, which was built so it wouldn't end up in a landfill after the ceremony. Instead of wood, it was made of steel. "After the inauguration, we had it disassembled, shipped to Atlanta, and then it was recycled as a bandstand," says Muldawer, who's now 92. The structure was in a public park where free concerts were held. "Carter was just thrilled with that. He really liked the idea of repurposing that facility." The inauguration set the stage for Carter's four years as President. His environmental legacy has shaped how the country is responding to climate change today. "At the time that Jimmy Carter was president, his biggest concern was energy security," says Amy Myers Jaffe, director of the Energy, Climate Justice and Sustainability Lab at New York University. In 1977, the U.S. was importing 8.81 million barrels of petroleum a day, mostly from the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries, or the OPEC cartel. That made the U.S. vulnerable during the 1973 Arab oil embargo, which led to long lines at gas stations. In several ways Jaffe says Carter was ahead of his time by being an early advocate for conserving energy and boosting renewable electricity, such as solar power. But Carter also promoted domestic coal mining. The subsequent growth of that industry contributed to the warming climate the world is experiencing now. Carter boosted energy efficiency and solar Shortly after Carter took office in 1977, he delivered what has become known as the "sweater speech." Sitting by a lit fireplace, he wore a cardigan sweater and addressed the country on television. "All of us must learn to waste less energy. Simply by keeping our thermostats, for instance, at 65 degrees in the daytime and 55 degrees at night we could save half the current shortage of natural gas," Carter said. Energy efficiency seems like a given today, but it wasn't really on Americans' minds after the 1950s and '60s, Jaffe says. Back then, it seemed like the oil would always flow. Jaffe says some even made fun of Carter's efficiency plea – an indication of how unusual the request was at the time. Still, energy experts then were thinking about the possibility that oil and gas could run out. That prompted Carter to encourage alternative sources of energy. "He even put solar panels, famously, on the White House," Jaffe says. At a press event unveiling the solar panels that would be used to heat water, Carter made clear that energy security was at the top of his mind. "Today, in directly harnessing the power of the sun, we're taking the energy that God gave us, the most renewable energy that we will ever see, and using it to replace our dwindling supplies of fossil fuels," Carter said. By the end of the 20th century, Carter wanted the U.S. to get "20% of all the energy we use from the sun." The country still hasn't reached that goal , though more than 80% of new generating capacity this year is expected to come from solar and battery storage. As if to highlight the risk of experimenting with new energy sources, Carter told reporters at the solar panel unveiling, "A generation from now, this solar heater can either be a curiosity, a museum piece, an example of a road not taken, or it can be just a small part of one of the greatest and most exciting adventures ever undertaken by the American people." The panels were removed less than a decade later during the Reagan administration. "Had the United States stayed the course, and we had not had volatility in our federal efforts in alternative energy, we would maybe still be the premier country for alternative energy," Jaffe says. Instead, she says, the U.S. is playing catch-up with countries like Denmark and Spain on wind energy, and China for solar and electric vehicles. The panels removed from the White House were stored in a government warehouse until Unity College acquired them, according to Maine Public . Sixteen panels were re-installed on a roof at the college in Central Maine and used to heat water for the dining hall. One of the panels, about the size of a picnic table, is displayed on the campus with a marker describing its historical significance. A climate change warning and promoting coal The summer after Carter took office, he received a memo with the subject "Release of Fossil CO2 and the Possibility of a Catastrophic Climate Change." It warned that increasing concentrations of carbon dioxide in the atmosphere has a "greenhouse effect" that "will induce a global climatic warming." The memo was from Frank Press, Carter's chief advisor on scientific matters and the director of the White House Office of Science and Technology Policy. Press wrote, "The present state of knowledge does not justify emergency action to limit the consumption of fossil fuels in the near term." But he did write that considering the "potential CO2 hazard" should become part of the country's long-term energy strategy. The top of the memo is marked "THE PRESIDENT HAS SEEN." Climate change, though, was not an issue Carter highlighted during his time in office. He actually boosted domestic coal production. Coal is the most carbon-intense fuel for generating electricity. Carter's 1980 campaign speech to miners in West Frankfort, Illinois includes a level of boosterism rarely seen outside of the coal industry these days. "America indeed is the Saudi Arabia of coal, and my goal as President of the United States is to see on the world energy markets Arab oil replaced with Illinois coal," Carter told miners and employees of the Old Ben Coal Mine No. 25. He also boasted that the country would, "produce more coal in 1980 than has ever before been produced in the United States of America." The greenhouse gas emissions from burning more coal are an issue the country still grapples with as the effects of climate change become clear. "I calculated once that we had roughly five full extra years of emissions at roughly the 2000 level of CO2 emissions due to Carter's energy coal policies," says Philip Verleger, an economist who worked on energy issues in the Treasury Department during the Carter administration. In a 1978 speech Carter did recognize the polluting nature of coal by announcing a commission on the coal industry. "Ultimately, we will learn to harness the energy of the Sun and the oceans with fusion power to meet our energy needs. But for now, we have no choice but to continue to rely heavily on fossil fuels, and coal is our most abundant fossil fuel," Carter said. But even Verleger comes back to Carter's work advancing energy efficiency and renewable energy. "Carter really started the ball rolling, created many of the ideas that are now coming to the fore. And that's good. The downside in terms of environment was the emphasis on coal," Verleger says. An enduring environmental legacy Preserving land also was a priority for Carter. Near the end of his presidency, he signed into law the Alaska National Interest Lands Conservation Act . It provided protections for 157 million acres of land through the creation of national parks, refuges and conservation areas. The legislation doubled the size of the National Park System and was the largest expansion of protected lands in history, according to the National Park Service . Carter also signed legislation in 1977 creating the Department of Energy, which is implementing much of the climate-focused Inflation Reduction Act that Congress passed and President Joe Biden signed last year. The law dedicates money to boosting renewable energy and research on new technologies. "Over four decades ago, Carter was putting in place policies that we are now enhancing today," Jaffe says. The IRA's focus on domestic manufacturing also is helping fulfill Carter's goal of putting "the United States back to where it needs to be, and dominating supply chains for things like solar panels, manufacturing and electric cars," explains Jaffe. In his final years, Carter's environmental legacy came full circle. In 2017 he leased 10 acres of his land in Plains, Georgia for a solar power project that produces enough electricity to supply about half the demand of his hometown. At the dedication event he told the crowd, "This site will be as symbolically important as the 32 panels we put on the White House," according to The Atlanta Journal-Constitution . "People can come here and see what can be done." Copyright 2024 NPR

PLAINS, Ga. (AP) — Newly married and sworn as a Naval officer, Jimmy Carter left his tiny hometown in 1946 hoping to climb the ranks and see the world. Less than a decade later, the death of his father and namesake, a merchant farmer and local politician who went by “Mr. Earl,” prompted the submariner and his wife, Rosalynn, to return to the rural life of Plains, Georgia, they thought they’d escaped. The lieutenant never would be an admiral. Instead, he became commander in chief. Years after his presidency ended in humbling defeat, he would add a Nobel Peace Prize, awarded not for his White House accomplishments but “for his decades of untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” The life of James Earl Carter Jr., the 39th and longest-lived U.S. president, ended Sunday at the age of 100 where it began: Plains, the town of 600 that fueled his political rise, welcomed him after his fall and sustained him during 40 years of service that redefined what it means to be a former president. With the stubborn confidence of an engineer and an optimism rooted in his Baptist faith, Carter described his motivations in politics and beyond in the same way: an almost missionary zeal to solve problems and improve lives. Carter was raised amid racism, abject poverty and hard rural living — realities that shaped both his deliberate politics and emphasis on human rights. “He always felt a responsibility to help people,” said Jill Stuckey, a longtime friend of Carter's in Plains. “And when he couldn’t make change wherever he was, he decided he had to go higher.” Carter's path, a mix of happenstance and calculation , pitted moral imperatives against political pragmatism; and it defied typical labels of American politics, especially caricatures of one-term presidents as failures. “We shouldn’t judge presidents by how popular they are in their day. That's a very narrow way of assessing them," Carter biographer Jonathan Alter told the Associated Press. “We should judge them by how they changed the country and the world for the better. On that score, Jimmy Carter is not in the first rank of American presidents, but he stands up quite well.” Later in life, Carter conceded that many Americans, even those too young to remember his tenure, judged him ineffective for failing to contain inflation or interest rates, end the energy crisis or quickly bring home American hostages in Iran. He gained admirers instead for his work at The Carter Center — advocating globally for public health, human rights and democracy since 1982 — and the decades he and Rosalynn wore hardhats and swung hammers with Habitat for Humanity. Yet the common view that he was better after the Oval Office than in it annoyed Carter, and his allies relished him living long enough to see historians reassess his presidency. “He doesn’t quite fit in today’s terms” of a left-right, red-blue scoreboard, said U.S. Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg, who visited the former president multiple times during his own White House bid. At various points in his political career, Carter labeled himself “progressive” or “conservative” — sometimes both at once. His most ambitious health care bill failed — perhaps one of his biggest legislative disappointments — because it didn’t go far enough to suit liberals. Republicans, especially after his 1980 defeat, cast him as a left-wing cartoon. It would be easiest to classify Carter as a centrist, Buttigieg said, “but there’s also something radical about the depth of his commitment to looking after those who are left out of society and out of the economy.” Indeed, Carter’s legacy is stitched with complexities, contradictions and evolutions — personal and political. The self-styled peacemaker was a war-trained Naval Academy graduate who promised Democratic challenger Ted Kennedy that he’d “kick his ass.” But he campaigned with a call to treat everyone with “respect and compassion and with love.” Carter vowed to restore America’s virtue after the shame of Vietnam and Watergate, and his technocratic, good-government approach didn't suit Republicans who tagged government itself as the problem. It also sometimes put Carter at odds with fellow Democrats. The result still was a notable legislative record, with wins on the environment, education, and mental health care. He dramatically expanded federally protected lands, began deregulating air travel, railroads and trucking, and he put human rights at the center of U.S. foreign policy. As a fiscal hawk, Carter added a relative pittance to the national debt, unlike successors from both parties. Carter nonetheless struggled to make his achievements resonate with the electorate he charmed in 1976. Quoting Bob Dylan and grinning enthusiastically, he had promised voters he would “never tell a lie.” Once in Washington, though, he led like a joyless engineer, insisting his ideas would become reality and he'd be rewarded politically if only he could convince enough people with facts and logic. This served him well at Camp David, where he brokered peace between Israel’s Menachem Begin and Epypt’s Anwar Sadat, an experience that later sparked the idea of The Carter Center in Atlanta. Carter's tenacity helped the center grow to a global force that monitored elections across five continents, enabled his freelance diplomacy and sent public health experts across the developing world. The center’s wins were personal for Carter, who hoped to outlive the last Guinea worm parasite, and nearly did. As president, though, the approach fell short when he urged consumers beleaguered by energy costs to turn down their thermostats. Or when he tried to be the nation’s cheerleader, beseeching Americans to overcome a collective “crisis of confidence.” Republican Ronald Reagan exploited Carter's lecturing tone with a belittling quip in their lone 1980 debate. “There you go again,” the former Hollywood actor said in response to a wonky answer from the sitting president. “The Great Communicator” outpaced Carter in all but six states. Carter later suggested he “tried to do too much, too soon” and mused that he was incompatible with Washington culture: media figures, lobbyists and Georgetown social elites who looked down on the Georgians and their inner circle as “country come to town.” Carter carefully navigated divides on race and class on his way to the Oval Office. Born Oct. 1, 1924 , Carter was raised in the mostly Black community of Archery, just outside Plains, by a progressive mother and white supremacist father. Their home had no running water or electricity but the future president still grew up with the relative advantages of a locally prominent, land-owning family in a system of Jim Crow segregation. He wrote of President Franklin Roosevelt’s towering presence and his family’s Democratic Party roots, but his father soured on FDR, and Jimmy Carter never campaigned or governed as a New Deal liberal. He offered himself as a small-town peanut farmer with an understated style, carrying his own luggage, bunking with supporters during his first presidential campaign and always using his nickname. And he began his political career in a whites-only Democratic Party. As private citizens, he and Rosalynn supported integration as early as the 1950s and believed it inevitable. Carter refused to join the White Citizens Council in Plains and spoke out in his Baptist church against denying Black people access to worship services. “This is not my house; this is not your house,” he said in a churchwide meeting, reminding fellow parishioners their sanctuary belonged to God. Yet as the appointed chairman of Sumter County schools he never pushed to desegregate, thinking it impractical after the Supreme Court’s 1954 Brown v. Board decision. And while presidential candidate Carter would hail the 1965 Voting Rights Act, signed by fellow Democrat Lyndon Johnson when Carter was a state senator, there is no record of Carter publicly supporting it at the time. Carter overcame a ballot-stuffing opponent to win his legislative seat, then lost the 1966 governor's race to an arch-segregationist. He won four years later by avoiding explicit mentions of race and campaigning to the right of his rival, who he mocked as “Cufflinks Carl” — the insult of an ascendant politician who never saw himself as part the establishment. Carter’s rural and small-town coalition in 1970 would match any victorious Republican electoral map in 2024. Once elected, though, Carter shocked his white conservative supporters — and landed on the cover of Time magazine — by declaring that “the time for racial discrimination is over.” Before making the jump to Washington, Carter befriended the family of slain civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr., whom he’d never sought out as he eyed the governor’s office. Carter lamented his foot-dragging on school integration as a “mistake.” But he also met, conspicuously, with Alabama's segregationist Gov. George Wallace to accept his primary rival's endorsement ahead of the 1976 Democratic convention. “He very shrewdly took advantage of his own Southerness,” said Amber Roessner, a University of Tennessee professor and expert on Carter’s campaigns. A coalition of Black voters and white moderate Democrats ultimately made Carter the last Democratic presidential nominee to sweep the Deep South. Then, just as he did in Georgia, he used his power in office to appoint more non-whites than all his predecessors had, combined. He once acknowledged “the secret shame” of white Americans who didn’t fight segregation. But he also told Alter that doing more would have sacrificed his political viability – and thus everything he accomplished in office and after. King's daughter, Bernice King, described Carter as wisely “strategic” in winning higher offices to enact change. “He was a leader of conscience,” she said in an interview. Rosalynn Carter, who died on Nov. 19 at the age of 96, was identified by both husband and wife as the “more political” of the pair; she sat in on Cabinet meetings and urged him to postpone certain priorities, like pressing the Senate to relinquish control of the Panama Canal. “Let that go until the second term,” she would sometimes say. The president, recalled her former aide Kathy Cade, retorted that he was “going to do what’s right” even if “it might cut short the time I have.” Rosalynn held firm, Cade said: “She’d remind him you have to win to govern.” Carter also was the first president to appoint multiple women as Cabinet officers. Yet by his own telling, his career sprouted from chauvinism in the Carters' early marriage: He did not consult Rosalynn when deciding to move back to Plains in 1953 or before launching his state Senate bid a decade later. Many years later, he called it “inconceivable” that he didn’t confer with the woman he described as his “full partner,” at home, in government and at The Carter Center. “We developed a partnership when we were working in the farm supply business, and it continued when Jimmy got involved in politics,” Rosalynn Carter told AP in 2021. So deep was their trust that when Carter remained tethered to the White House in 1980 as 52 Americans were held hostage in Tehran, it was Rosalynn who campaigned on her husband’s behalf. “I just loved it,” she said, despite the bitterness of defeat. Fair or not, the label of a disastrous presidency had leading Democrats keep their distance, at least publicly, for many years, but Carter managed to remain relevant, writing books and weighing in on societal challenges. He lamented widening wealth gaps and the influence of money in politics. He voted for democratic socialist Bernie Sanders over Hillary Clinton in 2016, and later declared that America had devolved from fully functioning democracy to “oligarchy.” Yet looking ahead to 2020, with Sanders running again, Carter warned Democrats not to “move to a very liberal program,” lest they help re-elect President Donald Trump. Carter scolded the Republican for his serial lies and threats to democracy, and chided the U.S. establishment for misunderstanding Trump’s populist appeal. He delighted in yearly convocations with Emory University freshmen, often asking them to guess how much he’d raised in his two general election campaigns. “Zero,” he’d gesture with a smile, explaining the public financing system candidates now avoid so they can raise billions. Carter still remained quite practical in partnering with wealthy corporations and foundations to advance Carter Center programs. Carter recognized that economic woes and the Iran crisis doomed his presidency, but offered no apologies for appointing Paul Volcker as the Federal Reserve chairman whose interest rate hikes would not curb inflation until Reagan's presidency. He was proud of getting all the hostages home without starting a shooting war, even though Tehran would not free them until Reagan's Inauguration Day. “Carter didn’t look at it” as a failure, Alter emphasized. “He said, ‘They came home safely.’ And that’s what he wanted.” Well into their 90s, the Carters greeted visitors at Plains’ Maranatha Baptist Church, where he taught Sunday School and where he will have his last funeral before being buried on family property alongside Rosalynn . Carter, who made the congregation’s collection plates in his woodworking shop, still garnered headlines there, calling for women’s rights within religious institutions, many of which, he said, “subjugate” women in church and society. Carter was not one to dwell on regrets. “I am at peace with the accomplishments, regret the unrealized goals and utilize my former political position to enhance everything we do,” he wrote around his 90th birthday. The politician who had supposedly hated Washington politics also enjoyed hosting Democratic presidential contenders as public pilgrimages to Plains became advantageous again. Carter sat with Buttigieg for the final time March 1, 2020, hours before the Indiana mayor ended his campaign and endorsed eventual winner Joe Biden. “He asked me how I thought the campaign was going,” Buttigieg said, recalling that Carter flashed his signature grin and nodded along as the young candidate, born a year after Carter left office, “put the best face” on the walloping he endured the day before in South Carolina. Never breaking his smile, the 95-year-old host fired back, “I think you ought to drop out.” “So matter of fact,” Buttigieg said with a laugh. “It was somehow encouraging.” Carter had lived enough, won plenty and lost enough to take the long view. “He talked a lot about coming from nowhere,” Buttigieg said, not just to attain the presidency but to leverage “all of the instruments you have in life” and “make the world more peaceful.” In his farewell address as president, Carter said as much to the country that had embraced and rejected him. “The struggle for human rights overrides all differences of color, nation or language,” he declared. “Those who hunger for freedom, who thirst for human dignity and who suffer for the sake of justice — they are the patriots of this cause.” Carter pledged to remain engaged with and for them as he returned “home to the South where I was born and raised,” home to Plains, where that young lieutenant had indeed become “a fellow citizen of the world.” —- Bill Barrow, based in Atlanta, has covered national politics including multiple presidential campaigns for the AP since 2012.Mumbai (Maharashtra) [India], December 7 (ANI): There's great news for Bollywood star Sanjay Dutt's fans. Sanjay is all set to be seen in a new music video of veteran Punjabi singer Bhupinder Babbal, who last year enthralled the audience with his voice in Arjan Vailly song from Ranbir Kapoor's blockbuster 'Animal' film. Also Read | What Is Kawasaki Disease? 'Bigg Boss 17' Winner Munawar Faruqui Reveals Diagnosis of Son Mikhail's Rare Health Condition. Feast of the Immaculate Conception 2024 Date: Know History and Significance of the Day That Honours the Immaculate Conception of the Blessed Virgin Mary Mumbai (Maharashtra) [India], December 7 (ANI): There's great news for Bollywood star Sanjay Dutt's fans. Sanjay is all set to be seen in a new music video of veteran Punjabi singer Bhupinder Babbal, who last year enthralled the audience with his voice in Arjan Vailly song from Ranbir Kapoor's blockbuster 'Animal' film. Also Read | What Is Kawasaki Disease? 'Bigg Boss 17' Winner Munawar Faruqui Reveals Diagnosis of Son Mikhail's Rare Health Condition. On Saturday, Bhupinder Babbal took to Instagram and shared a poster of the music video titled 'Power House'. Amrit Maan is also a part of the song. Gulshan Kumar and T-Series present 'Power House', which will be released on December 10. Also Read | 'Aubrey Plaza Better Play Her': Fans Urge Actress To Play Arrested Colombian Hitwoman 'The Doll' Aka Karen Julieth Ojeda Rodriguez Due to Striking Resemblance. Manan Bhardwaj has composed the music, while Teji Sandhu has directed it. Raymannt Marwah has co-produced the video. Meanwhile, on the film front, Sanjay will be seen in multi-starrer 'Welcome 3'. On his birthday last year, Akshay Kumar shared the film's promo on social media and wrote, "Khud ko aur aap sab ko ek birthday gift diya hai aaj (I have given a gift to you and myself on my birthday today). If you like it and say thanks, I'd say Welcome(3) #WelcomeToTheJungle. #Welcome3. Produced by #JyotiDeshpande. Produced by #FirozANadiadwallah. Directed by @khan_ahmedasas @officialjiostudios @baseindustries_group." He also has Aditya Dhar's directorial with Ranveer Singh in kitty. Reportedly, the film promises to be a rollercoaster ride, drawing inspiration from real-life covert operations led by India's current National Security Advisor, Ajit Doval. Akshaye Khanna, R Madhavan, and Arjun Rampal are also a part of the project. (ANI) (This is an unedited and auto-generated story from Syndicated News feed, LatestLY Staff may not have modified or edited the content body)

Buy or sell stocks: The Indian stock market indices ended Friday's market session with gains fueled by heavyweight banking and auto companies like Mahindra and Mahindra, IndusInd Bank and Tata Motors . The Nifty 50 index closed 0.27 per cent higher at 23,813.40 points, compared to the previous close at 23,750.20 points. The BSE Sensex closed 0.29 per cent higher at 78,699.07 points on Friday, compared to 78,472.48 points at the previous market close. Vaishali Parekh's stocks to buy today Vaishali Parekh, vice president of technical research at Prabhudas Lilladher, said the Nifty found a tough barrier at the 23,850 levels in the important 200-period MA zone. The bias for the index is maintained with a cautiously positive approach. Parekh estimates the Nifty 50 Spot index to find support at 23,600 points and face resistance at 24,000 points. The Bank Nifty index will likely move in the 51,000 to 52,000 range. Parekh recommended three buy-or-sell stocks for Monday: Mahindra and Mahindra, VA Tech Wabag, and Tourism Finance Corporation of India Ltd. Stock market today On the outlook for the Nifty 50 and the Bank Nifty index, Parekh said, “Nifty witnessed range-bound sluggish sessions during the week with inside bar candle patterns on the daily chart finding the tough barrier of 23,850 levels of the important 200 period MA and ended the week just near the 23,800 zone with bias maintained with a cautiously positive approach as of now.” “With the sentiment gradually easing out, we maintain the zone near 23,500 levels as the immediate support and at the same time, a decisive close above 24,000-level is necessary to trigger a breakout. Thereafter, anticipate a further rise in the coming days,” said the stock market expert . “Bank Nifty witnessed a tight rangebound movement during the last week of the year with upside capped near 51,700 zone and the support maintained near the 51,000 levels. The bias and sentiment are slightly on the improvement side. As mentioned earlier, the index needs to breach above the significant 50EMA-level of 52,000 to establish conviction. Thereafter anticipate a further upward move,” said Parekh. Parekh said that the Nifty 50 Spot for today has support at 23,600 points and resistance at 24,000 points. The Bank Nifty index would have a daily range of 51,000 to 52,000. Buy or sell stocks by Vaishali Parekh 1. Mahindra and Mahindra Ltd. (M&M): Buy at ₹ 3,049; Target at ₹ 3,160; Stop Loss at ₹ 2,995. 2. VA Tech Wabag Ltd. (WABAG): Buy at ₹ 1,646; Target at ₹ 1,720; Stop Loss at 1,615. 3. Tourism Finance Corporation of India Ltd. (TFCILTD): Buy at ₹ 157.80; Target at ₹ 165; Stop Loss at ₹ 154. Disclaimer: The views and recommendations given in this article are those of individual analysts. These do not represent the views of Mint. We advise investors to check with certified experts before making any investment decisions.

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